Sistema de comércio global moderno inicial

Sistema de comércio global moderno inicial

Volumes de opções do cme fx
Praça do leicester de Forexchange
Sobreposições no mercado Forex


Sistema de negociação Esaz Taxa de ouro Forex 22k Encargos do cartão Sbi forex Testador de opções binárias Rede de negociação forex Ib (ideal) Tutorial de Forex em bangla Deposito livre de opcoes binarias Revisões de envio Forex

Early Modern Ports, 1500 & # 8211; 1750. Publicado em Erschienen: 2010-12-03 & # 160; & # 160; Portos são os veículos por excelência para transações. Desde tempos imemoriais, os portos têm sido portais para a troca de bens, pessoas e idéias. Essas trocas determinaram a relevância que determinadas áreas alcançaram na história do mundo ao estruturar contatos globais além das paredes urbanas estreitas de uma determinada cidade. Embora os portos medievais e renascentistas tardios estivessem situados dentro da bacia do Mediterrâneo, a expansão européia no exterior e a competição local moveram a preeminência dos portos europeus para o eixo Atlântico, onde as cidades do noroeste tomaram a maior parte da economia central, social, política e cultural. papel das grandes metrópoles, permanecendo importantes pontos nodais para interações globais até hoje. Inhaltsverzeichnis Tabela de Conteúdos. Introdução. Desde tempos imemoriais, o mar tem sido um elo entre os estados e os portos têm interligado pontes entre diferentes povos e culturas. 1 Os portos não apenas aproximavam as comunidades, mas também tinham funções particulares inerentes à sua posição de ligação com o mar e como conexões entre diferentes poderes políticos e civilizações. Este artigo começará com a definição de três conceitos centrais ao considerar os portos como objetos de estudo histórico, a saber, "portos", "sertão" e "regiões". Esses três conceitos desenham o quadro dentro do qual os historiadores até agora consideraram os portos, sua influência e seu papel na história. O artigo prosseguirá explorando as diferentes funções portos adquiridos na história e como essas funções influenciaram o desenvolvimento histórico de cada porto individual. Dará uma atenção especial às funções econômicas, políticas, sociais e culturais que um bom número de portos assumiu e que influenciaram o resultado de seu sucesso ou fracasso como atores globais. Portos, hinterlands e regiões. Ao estudar o papel e a influência dos portos na história, é importante entender o que os historiadores querem dizer quando escrevem sobre os portos. O conceito do antigo porto moderno tem suas raízes na tradição urbana medieval. O título de "porto" era geralmente dado a cidades cuja atividade principal era o comércio, situando-se nas margens de um grande rio ou no mar. Quando o papel do comércio e das atividades de mercado se tornou importante o suficiente para um determinado porto, essas atividades seriam reguladas pelas autoridades urbanas ou pelo governo central (rei). Durante o período do início da modernidade, a noção do porto era semelhante. Em um nível urbano, pode-se distinguir um porto de qualquer outro tipo de cidade, observando sua composição urbana. Havia três características que marcavam os portos. Em primeiro lugar, os portos tinham portos que eram o centro do movimento de pessoas e produtos. Em segundo lugar, a morfologia urbana dos portos sempre teve determinados edifícios ou espaços que dominavam a cidade, como docas, armazéns, alfândegas, mercados abertos, pousadas e pubs. Finalmente, os portos também poderiam ser identificados pelos grupos socioeconômicos específicos que eles abrigaram. Por exemplo, os portos geralmente atraíam um grande número de comerciantes, banqueiros, guarda-livros, lojistas, construtores navais e estrangeiros. 2. Embora os portos fossem importantes como estruturas urbanas com uma ligação direta com o mar ou através dos estuários fluviais, os portos da Early Modern, como todas as outras cidades da época, não conseguiam sobreviver sem suas terras. O conceito primário do hinterland é aquele de um ambiente rural que cerca imediatamente um porto. Há algum debate sobre essa definição, no entanto. Historiadores medievais afirmam que os sertões eram espaços ao redor dos portos, mas também faziam parte da estrutura urbana porque a cidade tinha direitos de jurisdição sobre eles. Na prática, isso significava que um sistema urbano era composto de um elemento urbano & # 8211; o port & # 8211; e um elemento rural & # 8211; o interior. 3. Os primeiros historiadores marítimos e urbanos modernos foram mais longe com sua definição de interior. Eles concordam com os medievalistas de que os sertões estavam freqüentemente dentro da jurisdição do porto, mas enfatizam a ideia do crescimento do interior informal durante o período da Idade Moderna. Por sertanejos informais, eles significam não apenas a definição claramente jurisdicional dada pelos medievalistas, mas também a extensão em que os portos influenciaram seu espaço circundante e a extensão em que esse espaço influenciou os portos. Portanto, para o período do início da modernidade, é preciso olhar para o interior rural imediato (jurisdicionalmente dependente do porto), mas também para um espaço maior que se poderia chamar de regional, que pode incluir áreas de migração e comércio de longa distância e intercâmbios culturais. . 4 Alguns argumentam, indo ainda mais longe, que o sertão também pode ter um caráter trans-continental, especialmente durante um período em que os portos europeus estavam se aventurando em empreendimentos no exterior. 5. A definição do interior da antiga modernidade e sua relação simbiótica com os portos europeus foi fundamental para determinar a posição assumida por cada porto em uma região específica e, portanto, sua projeção para além dessa região, muitas vezes nas arenas internacional e global. Esta abordagem à definição de hinterlands denota uma evolução da Idade Média para o período da Modernidade Moderna, em que os portos e o interior se tornaram menos ligados à jurisdição e mais informalmente ligados. Ao considerar o desenvolvimento e o lugar dos portos em um contexto histórico mais amplo, contamos com duas estruturas teóricas básicas: a teoria do lugar central e a teoria da rede. A teoria do lugar central identifica as cidades como centros de consumo e comercialização de produtos provenientes do campo circundante. 6 Essas cidades não apenas funcionariam como mercados comerciais, mas também como provedores de serviços. A variedade e eficiência desses serviços dependeriam principalmente do tamanho das cidades. A teoria afirma que as pequenas cidades com ligações estreitas com a área agrícola circundante são colocadas abaixo do nível das cidades maiores, proporcionando serviços mais extensos, que por sua vez seriam a base para o desenvolvimento das cidades regionais. A eficiência e a diversidade das cidades regionais de serviços disponibilizadas superariam o nível dos serviços que outras cidades tinham a oferecer. 7 O sistema hierárquico construído pela teoria do lugar central apresenta um problema. Se alguém subdivide os serviços fornecidos por pequenas cidades, cidades maiores e centros regionais, pode-se ver que as hierarquias locais dependem do tipo de serviços fornecidos. Por exemplo, uma cidade pequena poderia ter oferecido um mercado agrícola mais importante do que uma cidade grande, mas geralmente não fornecia serviços financeiros, como faziam as grandes cidades ou cidades regionais. Em última análise, pode-se considerar uma gama de serviços, consistindo de várias hierarquias, cada uma dependendo de um serviço específico. Isso também se aplica a fatores econômicos, como capital, trabalho ou mercado, a fatores administrativos, como aplicação da lei, administração pública ou cobrança de impostos, ou mesmo a fatores culturais e disseminação tecnológica. A teoria do lugar central levanta várias questões e dúvidas e não pode ser considerada isoladamente. É necessário complementá-lo com outras teorias. Parece que a melhor dessas teorias foi totalmente desenvolvida por Paul M. Hohenberg e Lynn H. Lees. 8 Em sua pesquisa sobre a urbanização da Europa, eles sistematicamente combinam uma teoria de rede com um sistema de lugar central e, assim, levam o conceito de interação urbana um passo adiante. Hohenberg e Lees sugerem que, em um nível inferior e intermediário da hierarquia do lugar central, deve haver um certo grau de cooperação entre as cidades e, especificamente, entre os portos. Assim, ao invés de aceitar seu papel urbano como resultado de sua posição geográfica na hierarquia, Hohenberg e Lees consideram que as cidades precisam ser analisadas de acordo com sua função. Seguindo os argumentos dos autores, essas funções são definidas não apenas pela geografia, mas também por suas ligações com outras áreas urbanas. Isso significa que, durante o período do início da modernidade, os portos estavam em melhor posição para fornecer mais serviços, o que significava que eles poderiam assumir a posição mais vantajosa quando se relacionavam com seu interior e seus parceiros urbanos. Quanto mais eles traziam do interior, maior era a área sob sua influência formal ou informal, e mais potencial alcançavam para a interconexão urbana e a interdependência. Uma das consequências da teoria da rede é que as conexões e interdependências urbanas aumentaram com o crescimento da rede de portos interconectados. Essas relações próximas facilitaram a distribuição de todos os tipos de produtos econômicos, sociais e culturais. No início, a gama de distribuição incluía principalmente coisas materiais, como produtos e capital. Mas logo, as pessoas (migração) e coisas subjetivas como idéias, desenvolvimento tecnológico e informação viajaram mais rápido e penetraram mais profundamente do que nunca, contribuindo assim para uma complexidade cada vez maior dos sistemas de rede porto / interior. O crescente número de serviços e interações entre os portos e suas contrapartes urbanas nas redes de hinterlândia, região, transnacional e trans-continental direta deu a eles uma função vista por muitos como o sinal final do papel globalizante que os portos desempenharam na história, a saber: funcionando como gateways. Esse papel do portal foi especialmente importante quando se considerou as diferentes funções que os portos tiveram no período da Moderna Idade, uma época em que a maioria das grandes cidades eram portos e a maioria deles estava engajada, de uma forma ou de outra, no movimento geral de expansão européia. no exterior. No entanto, nem todos os primeiros portos modernos eram grandes e nem todos eles eram portais globais. Alguns deles foram forçados a assumir uma posição social, econômica e cultural de "janela" por um estado forte que precisava de contato com o mundo exterior, como foi o caso do papel que São Petersburgo assumiu dentro da órbita do Estado russo. . 10 Outros, como alguns portos pequenos na Escandinávia, foram usados ​​como bastiões de demarcação de fronteiras territoriais em contextos onde a competição entre estados centrais opostos ameaçava a integridade de um deles, como aconteceu no caso de L & # 246; d & # 246; na fronteira sueco-norueguesa. 11 Transações sociais, econômicas e culturais. O papel que os portos assumiram como gateways durante o período da Idade Moderna pode ser atribuído ao fato de que eles eram ambientes urbanos onde as transações ocorriam. Essas transações eram numerosas e espelhavam o caráter multifuncional que os portos tinham na época. A função mais primordial e distinta dos portos da Early Modern era transações de bens, comumente chamadas de comércio, mas que iam além do comércio, passando a incluir todas as atividades relacionadas à construção naval, contabilidade e uma ampla gama de serviços como registro notarial, crédito, seguro e, em alguns casos, até mesmo a organização de bolsas de valores especializadas e empresas estatutárias. 12 O sucesso que os portos da Early Modern alcançaram em seu papel de gateways para produtos foi determinado por sua posição nas redes de negociação a que cada porta pertencia. Se alguns, como Veneza, Sevilha, Lisboa ou Cádiz, eram principalmente centros de transações intercontinentais, portos como Antuérpia, Amsterdã ou Londres passaram de centros regionais para potências intercontinentais, tornando-se pontes entre as redes comerciais européias seculares e o Atlântico recém-descoberto. e rotas asiáticas. 13 Para a maioria dos portos, a essência do comércio dependia da troca de produtos em mercados mais ou menos livres. Portanto, o conhecimento dos pontos de produção, os mercados de consumo e o comportamento do mercado foram primordiais para um porto próspero. Esse conhecimento dava às informações sobre técnicas de produção, condições climáticas, qualidade de crédito e moda um valor próprio, já que os diferentes graus de informação poderiam funcionar a favor ou contra um determinado porto, dependendo do tempo e da quantidade de informações disponíveis em um dado momento. Portanto, nenhum grande porto internacional foi capaz de fazer bem em transacionar produtos se os fluxos de informação não fossem pelo menos tão eficientes. 14 A principal fonte de informação durante o período do início da modernidade era o boca-a-boca (principalmente por meio de contato pessoal ou cartas pessoais), e em alguns lugares a imprensa, embora esta última fosse de significado quase insignificante. A informação viajava com as pessoas e, por essa razão, os portos estavam em vantagem quando comparados com outros tipos de cidades. Como as pessoas costumavam viajar com produtos, e como os portos sempre eram um ambiente atraente para os imigrantes, devido à ampla disponibilidade de trabalho na cidade ou a oportunidade de encontrar transporte para outro lugar, as notícias chegaram rapidamente à maioria dos portos. Se a maior parte dos fluxos de informação chega aos portos da Europa Moderna Moderna eram de natureza prática, muitas vezes ligada ao comércio (notícias de escassez, preços, clima, guerras, embargos e assim por diante), havia também um fluxo de transações intelectuais classificar como informação. A troca de conhecimento escrito através da importação / exportação de livros, panfletos e materiais religiosos escritos posicionou os portos na vanguarda das trocas intelectuais. Não é, portanto, surpreendente que a maioria dos portos fosse ambientes mais ou menos tolerantes para a troca de idéias religiosas não ortodoxas, conceitos políticos ou desenvolvimentos tecnológicos. O crescimento da quantidade de informação prática e intelectual dentro das redes européias dos portos da Early Modern enfatiza a importância que as transações humanas adquiriram em muitas dessas cidades. A disseminação da manufatura, serviços e atividades militares ligadas ao comércio impunham uma demanda permanente por uma força de trabalho flexível e fluida dentro da maioria dos sistemas portuários europeus. Muitas vezes oferecendo uma ampla gama de atividades especializadas, os portos eram conhecidos por serem lugares onde se poderia ganhar um salário relativamente maior do que em outras cidades e onde a disponibilidade permanente de trabalho era uma constante. Estas circunstâncias atraíram um número muito significativo de imigrantes provenientes do interior rural, da região ou mesmo do sertão informal no exterior. 15 A migração rural ou urbana de perto ou de longe influenciou grandemente a composição social da maioria dos portos, tornando-os ambientes extraordinários de interação social, trocas religiosas e transações culturais. Esse foi certamente o caso dos portos europeus que receberam uma parte equitativa de escravos importados da costa ocidental ou do norte da África, e africanos livres, como foi o caso de Lisboa, Livorno, Liverpool ou Marselha. Se os escravos foram forçados a migrar contra sua vontade, outros grupos deixaram suas cidades de origem devido à perseguição religiosa. Esse foi o caso dos novos cristãos ibéricos, muitas vezes forçados ao exílio pelas ações da Inquisição, ou os huguenotes, forçados a fugir de suas cidades natais para evitar a exclusão religiosa. Um número considerável desses migrantes fugiu para os portos do Noroeste da Europa, como Antuérpia, Amsterdã, Hamburgo ou Londres, onde contribuíram significativamente para a vida econômica, social e cultural desses portos por mais de 350 anos. Infelizmente, nem todos os migrantes da Early Modern foram bem-sucedidos, e sua sobrevivência no porto de destino foi muitas vezes prejudicada pela instabilidade dos mercados de trabalho ou por crises econômicas. Muitas vezes, os membros mais fracos dos aglomerados urbanos eram vítimas de desafios assustadores de sobrevivência. Esse foi o caso de todos os membros da sociedade que, por algum motivo, não tinham lugar na estrutura familiar tradicional, como era o caso de homens e mulheres solteiros, viúvos e viúvas ou órfãos. Entre esses grupos, os jovens e as mulheres eram os que se encontravam em situação mais precária, uma vez que sua presença em grandes metrópoles anônimas era muitas vezes considerada criminosa ou moralmente questionável na melhor das hipóteses. Muitas vezes, impulsionados pela pobreza ou pela necessidade de renda devido à exclusão das instituições de caridade da época, alguns foram forçados a roubar, furtar ou prostituir-se. Embora a prostituição fosse uma característica comum dos portos da Early Modern, sua percepção parece ter sido super enfatizada pelos sentimentos dos contemporâneos. Estudos recentes mostraram que a prostituição era muitas vezes uma atividade sazonal para a maioria das mulheres casadas (e não solteiras) e era usada para suplementar sua escassa renda familiar. Essas mulheres eram muitas vezes forçadas a assumir uma posição de chefes de família devido às profissões de seus maridos como marinheiros ou soldados. Quando seus homens embarcavam em suas viagens ou campanhas, a maioria das mulheres ficava com parte do salário dos homens (geralmente uma parte muito pequena) e uma família para manter. Durante a primavera e o verão, eles conseguiram encontrar pequenos trabalhos no porto ou como fornecedores de logística para os navios, embora o outono e o inverno fossem tempos difíceis para encontrar um emprego. Aqueles que não podiam candidatar-se à caridade foram forçados à prostituição. Esse foi certamente o caso na maioria dos portos holandeses e ingleses nos séculos XVII e XVIII. 16 Com o grande fluxo de informações práticas e intelectuais e a tolerância necessária para manter a maior parte desse fluxo de informações, os portos se tornaram refúgios seguros para estudiosos, intelectuais, clérigos e comunidades de comerciantes regionais e estrangeiros forçados a deixar suas terras natais por causa de suas atividades. crença religiosa, científica ou política. Com as pessoas sendo forçadas a viver juntas em espaços urbanos muitas vezes pequenos, a tolerância religiosa, cultural e social tornou-se primordial para a sobrevivência dos portos como identidades sociais, especialmente em questões relativas à aplicação da lei e da ordem. A superlotação urbana foi uma das muitas conseqüências do recurso que os portos tiveram para muitos imigrantes. Embora melhor equipados do que outros tipos de cidades para sobreviver a problemas de saúde pública resultantes da coexistência de grandes populações, muitas vezes dentro das tradicionais muralhas medievais, os portos foram forçados a se expandir para a periferia, para criar regulamentações de saúde pública para evitar a contaminação (por exemplo , excluindo indústrias poluidoras de dentro das muralhas da cidade), para promover o alívio pobre (mais frequentemente do que não através das organizações religiosas e sociais, como as igrejas e guildas) e, às vezes, até mesmo para regular o acesso das pessoas através dos portões ou o porto da cidade, encorajando como resultado o desenvolvimento de um "espírito de cidade" através da separação de "cidadãos" de "não-cidadãos", uma divisão não desenhada por linhas sócio-econômicas, mas simplesmente pela definição territorial de quem habitado a cidade e por quanto tempo. 17 Infelizmente, para muitos, os regulamentos de saúde pública e o acesso controlado às cidades não salvaram os portos medievais, modernos e até modernos de serem vítimas de epidemias sérias que ameaçavam não apenas o sustento de suas populações, mas até puseram em perigo sua existência. Embora a superlotação impusesse sérios desafios aos conselhos municipais, para os portos a ameaça mais perigosa vinha do mar. A chegada contínua de navios estrangeiros, geralmente ligados sazonalmente, levou a períodos agitados ao redor das docas, onde a vigilância era às vezes reduzida, muito fraca ou inexistente. Isso permitiu a entrada de tripulações doentes e produtos contaminados, muitas vezes infectados no porto de partida ou no mar. Mesmo que às vezes ignorassem seu estado de saúde, navios estrangeiros chamavam portos saudáveis, onde ficavam o tempo necessário para suas transações comerciais, deixando para trás um rastro de doenças e pestes que se espalhariam rapidamente pela cidade, ajudados pela superlotação. condições dentro do ambiente urbano. 18 Havia pouco que os habitantes ou os conselhos da cidade pudessem fazer para evitar as consequências do que poderia ser chamado de transações negativas. No entanto, sempre havia alguns recursos que poderiam ser aproveitados ou algumas medidas que poderiam ser tomadas. Para as pessoas que viviam nas cidades, a escolha óbvia quando a peste ou doença irrompia era abandonar a cidade por um lugar no campo, muitas vezes dentro da jurisdição da cidade, isto é, no interior tradicional. No entanto, essa era uma possibilidade apenas para aqueles ricos ou saudáveis ​​o suficiente para serem capazes de abandonar a cidade e deixar suas atividades para trás sem pôr em risco sua sobrevivência diária. Por outro lado, abandonar a cidade para o campo também era apenas uma opção, desde que o campo estivesse imune à disseminação da doença. Assim que os moradores urbanos começaram a inundar as áreas rurais, a doença se espalhou tão rapidamente quanto se ainda estivesse confinada dentro das muralhas da cidade, deixando as áreas saudáveis ​​para refugiar-se cada vez mais longe. Embora os indivíduos abastados tivessem a opção de sair, os habitantes menos ricos não eram capazes de fazê-lo. Para eles, as câmaras municipais tinham apenas a opção de disponibilizar comida e água por meio de regulamentação e obrigar as instituições religiosas a enterrar os mortos o mais rápido possível. Para evitar o caos, o caos e as perdas econômicas provocadas pela propagação da doença nos portos, muitas prefeituras de toda a Europa Ocidental aplicaram um conjunto de leis romanas como medidas reguladoras no caso de navios atingidos pela peste ou provenientes de áreas onde a peste foi relatada. De acordo com esse conjunto de leis, as câmaras municipais tinham o direito de discriminar navios e tripulações que vinham de certos portos ou estavam envolvidos em determinadas áreas geográficas. Para eles, o porto foi submetido a um embargo temporário que só foi suspenso quando o perigo passou (ou porque não havia casos de doença a bordo, a quarentena foi bem-sucedida ou o navio acabara de sair). Embora originalmente usado como uma das poucas armas contra a propagação de doenças, os embargos de saúde eram freqüentemente usados ​​com propósitos políticos para provocar a morte de competidores econômicos. Um bom exemplo da maneira como esse mecanismo foi abusado foi o interminável embargo imposto por Gênova aos navios venezianos e vice-versa, com cada cidade tentando estimular seus próprios empreendimentos comerciais no Mediterrâneo Oriental, em detrimento do outro. O forte desenvolvimento de uma ideia de cidadania aliada ao poder econômico trazido pelas atividades comerciais e manufatureiras tornou a maioria dos portos europeus lugares de tolerância intelectual e autonomia política. Embora sobrevivendo no contexto de estados centralizados em crescimento, os portos da Europa Moderna foram capazes de negociar sua posição autônoma no espectro político, assumindo a centralidade política e tornando-se capitais, ou renegociando cartas de privilégios medievais que regulavam as trocas políticas entre os governos centrais. os poderes (reis) e os habitantes da cidade (muitas vezes representados em conselhos municipais bem organizados, nos quais elementos ligados a atividades de comércio e manufatura estavam lado a lado com todos os outros representantes da ordem social urbana). 19 A principal funcionalidade dos portos europeus em geral era sua capacidade de criar, desenvolver e se destacar em uma ampla gama de transações, somente possível devido às múltiplas funções de gateway que as portas eram capazes de assumir dentro da rede urbana européia na época. Da cidade local para o jogador global. Embora a maioria dos portos da Early Modern fosse rica em ambientes urbanos, nem todos alcançaram proeminência semelhante. O crescimento e o sucesso dos portos parecem ter seguido um caminho claro de desenvolvimento, com duas origens possíveis e um único resultado. Os primeiros portos modernos se desenvolveram em grandes metrópoles, ganhando ímpeto ao se aventurar fora de seus tradicionais sistemas informais de interior ou ganhando um jogo de competição contra seus pares em nível local e regional. Portos como Veneza, Sevilha, Lisboa e Cádiz devem seu status bem conhecido ao papel proeminente que desempenharam dentro de um movimento mais amplo e geral de expansão no exterior pelos estados centrais aos quais pertenciam (no caso de Veneza, a própria cidade). A expansão veneziana no Mediterrâneo é totalmente comparável às expansões portuguesas e espanholas nos oceanos Atlântico e Índico. O fato de que Veneza, Sevilha, Lisboa e Cádiz puderam participar da troca de novidades (produtos, cultura, informação, conhecimento) adquiridas em regiões que foram além de seus tradicionais sistemas informais de interioridade os tornaram centros centrais do mundo conhecido antes de meados do século XX. -16 século. 20. Mesmo que a expansão veneziana, portuguesa e espanhola no exterior pareça ter trazido grandes ganhos para portos específicos, esses portos foram centros pobres de redes regionais, especialmente quando comparados com outros portos contemporâneos do norte da Europa. A situação geográfica relativamente isolada de todos esses portos em expansão tornou-os dependentes do empreendimento de expansão. Conscientes de que suas fortunas dependiam do sucesso da expansão e conquista no exterior, Veneza, Lisboa, Sevilha e Cádis estavam propensas a apoiar todas as tentativas possíveis do Estado central para aumentar sua influência no exterior, tornando-se peões nos intercâmbios políticos e diplomáticos. do tempo. A falta de regiões regionais e transregionais sólidas e fortes obrigou a Renascença e os primeiros grandes portos da Idade Moderna a buscar parceiros no contexto europeu para sobreviver como centros de transações e trocas. 21 A seleção de parceiros envolveu não tanto portos similares em morfologia, mas portos regionais menores com boas conexões no interior e na região, todos eles no norte da Europa. Começando com Antuérpia, Amsterdã, Hamburgo, os portos do Báltico e Londres, todos eles principalmente portos regionais com boas ligações com suas terras e regiões, o processo de seleção de parcerias seguiu as ondas de complexidades políticas e acordos diplomáticos. A fim de ter a chance de se envolver com um grande parceiro do sul da Europa, a maioria dos portos do norte da Europa teve que lutar contra seus concorrentes regionais, a fim de prevalecer como os principais candidatos à parceria. Este foi certamente o caso quando Antuérpia ultrapassou Bruges e Amesterdão, deixando Middleburg, Flushing, Hoorn ou Enkhuizen para trás. Hamburgo conseguiu vencer a maioria de seus rivais do norte da Alemanha e do Báltico, e Londres se tornou o principal porto das Ilhas Britânicas. Esta competição regional, contrária aos métodos de expansão dos portos do sul da Europa, foi impulsionada pela oferta de vantagens aos parceiros para que eles pudessem se engajar em transações com um ponto de partida vantajoso. Um dos mecanismos utilizados pelos portos do Norte da Europa para atrair os intercâmbios com os parceiros do sul da Europa foi criar um conjunto de privilégios para produtos, pessoas e ideias importadas desses parceiros, seja pelo estabelecimento de fábricas (como foi o caso da fábrica portuguesa de Antuérpia) ou emitindo cartas de privilégios (como foi o caso dos comerciantes venezianos em Londres). 22 Esses mecanismos ajudaram os portos do norte da Europa a se tornarem os centros de práticas monopolistas, cujo objetivo principal era controlar as redes de redistribuição (formais e informais) de produtos, pessoas e idéias. Este movimento claro de centralidade portuária do sul (Mediterrâneo) para o complexo europeu do norte (principalmente Atlântico) tem sido bem documentado e explorado por Fernand Braudel (1902 e 1985) e outros. 23 Eles argumentam que houve uma mudança clara do Mediterrâneo para o eixo Atlântico Norte da Europa, que deixou a maioria dos portos pioneiros da expansão européia no exterior como parceiros periféricos para as grandes portas do norte que conseguiram combinar uma centralidade intercontinental redes informais com destaque regional e hinterland dentro de um contexto de competição regional afiada. A realocação da centralidade portuária do Mediterrâneo para o eixo Atlântico teve ainda outras consequências que foram além da importância dos portos como portais. Essa mudança significou que a importação de produtos, pessoas, idéias e modas mudou para o norte, criando o desenvolvimento de um novo conjunto de valores econômicos, sociais e culturais auxiliados, como argumentaria Max Weber (1864 & # 8211; 1920): iniciado pela Reforma e Contra-Reforma. 24 Essa divisão geral dentro do sistema portuário europeu iniciada durante o século 16 deve ser responsabilizada pelo que muitos consideram a raiz da "minúscula divergência" (e alguns diriam até mesmo de "retardo") entre os países do sul e do norte da Europa ainda a ser sentida na União Europeia hoje em dia. 25 Conclusões Os portos eram elementos urbanos importantes no mapa da Europa Moderna Antiga. Eram as cidades mais bem-sucedidas da época, alcançando esse status envolvendo-se em toda uma gama de transações econômicas, sociais e culturais que marcavam sua funcionalidade dentro de uma determinada região. Embora os portos mais importantes durante o período da Renascença e do século 16 tenham sido principalmente monofuncionais, destacando-se de sua participação na expansão do estado central no exterior, os portos do final do século XVI, XVII e XVIII eram importantes portões de produtos. pessoas e idéias que foram trocadas em todo o mundo. A importância de portas globais como Amsterdã ou Londres pode ser atribuída à sua capacidade de aliar um papel regional com um papel trans-continental, o que lhes deu a capacidade de se sobressair como nódulos focais nos sistemas do interior, redes regionais e trocas intercontinentais. Essas metrópoles foram o motor de uma mudança geral do eixo do Mediterrâneo para o Atlântico, onde a Europa Ocidental Norte adquiriu um desenvolvimento social, político, econômico, cultural e religioso diferente daquele do sul da Europa, criando assim uma divisão perceptível até hoje. C & # 225; Antunes, Leiden. Bibliografia. Adams, Julia: One's Company, Three's a Crowd: Metropolitan State Building e East Indies Merchant Companies na Holanda Moderna Moderna, França e Inglaterra, 1600 e 1800, Ann Arbor, MI 1990. Aerts, Erik et al. (eds.): Cidades Metropolitanas e seus Territórios na Europa Moderna Antiga: Sessão B-6: Anais do 10º Congresso Internacional de História Econômica, Leuven, 1990. Antunes, Cia: Globalização no início do período moderno: A relação económica entre Amesterdão e Lisboa, 1640 & # 8211; 1705, Amsterdão 2004. Antunes, Cia e outros: Portos na Fronteira do Estado 1200: Uma Introdução, em: International Journal of Maritime History 19,2 (2007), pp. 273 e 282. Antunes, C: Terra e Mar: A Integração dos Sertões Urbanos Holandeses e Portugueses no Sistema Marítimo Europeu durante o século XVII, em: Simonetta Cavaciocchi (org.): Ricchezza del Mare, ricchezza dal mare (sec. XIII & # 8211; XVIII): A riqueza do mar e riqueza do mar, Prato 2005, vol. 1, pp. 115 & # 8211; 145. Antunes, C: Links Urbanos, Redes de Comércio e Globalização no período da Moderna Idade: Amsterdã e Lisboa, 1640 & # 8211; 1705: Um estudo de caso, em: Margrit Schulte Beerb & # 252; hl et al. (eds.): Fiação da Web Comercial: Comércio Internacional, Mercadores e Cidades Comerciais, c. 1640–1939, Frankfurt am Main 2004, pp. 65–85. Bailey, Gauvin A. et al. (eds.): Hope and Healing: Painting in Italy in a Time of Plague, 1500–1800, Worcester 2005. Bethencourt, Francisco et al. (eds.): L'Empire portugais face aux autres empires, XVIe–XIXe siècle, Paris 2007. Bethencourt, Francisco et al. (eds.): Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400–1800, Cambridge 2007. Bird, James: Centrality and Cities, London 1977. Braudel, Fernand: Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme, XVe–XVIIIe siècle, Paris 1979, vol. 1–3. Braudel, Fernand (ed.): La Méditerranée: l'espace et l'histoire, Paris 1985. Braudel, Fernand: La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II, Paris 1976, vol. 1–2. Broeze, Frank: Port Cities: The Search for Identity, in: Journal of Urban History 2 (1985), pp. 109–225. Bughardt, A. F.: A Hypothesis about Gateway Cities, in: Annals of the Association of American Geographers 61 (1971), pp. 269–285. Bustos Rodriguez, Manuel: Cadiz en el sistema atlantico: La ciudad, sus comerciantes y la actividad mercantil (1650–1830), Cadiz 2005. Cavaciocchi, Simonetta (org.): Ricchezza del Mare, ricchezza dal mare (secc. XIII–XVIII): The Wealth of the Sea and Wealth from the Sea, Prato 2005. Chaudhury, Sushil (eds.): Merchants, Companies, and Trade: Europe and Asia in the Early Modern Era, Cambridge 1990. Chaunu, Pierre: Séville et l'Amérique aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, Paris 1977. Christaller, Walter: Central Places in Southern Germany, translated by C. W. Baskin, New Jersey 1966. Clark, Peter: Metropolitan Cities and their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe: Introduction, in: Erik Aerts et al. (eds.): Metropolitan Cities and their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe: Session B-6: Proceedings tenth International Economic History Congress, Leuven 1990, pp. 3–11. Cohn, Samuel K.: The Black Death Transformed: Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Europe, London et al. 2002. Coste, Joël: Représentations et comportements en temps d'épidémie dans la littérature imprimée de peste (1490–1725): Contribution à l'histoire culturelle de la peste en France à l'époque moderne, Paris 2007. Crespo Solana, Ana: El comercio maritimo entre Amsterdam y Cadiz (1713–1781), Madrid 2000. Cross, Anthony G. (ed.): St. Petersburg, 1703–1825, Basingstoke 2003. Davis, Ralph: The Rise of the Atlantic Economies, London 1973. Devos, Roger: La pratique des documents anciens: Actes publics et notaries, documents administratifs et comptables, Annecy 1995. Diamond, Jarod: Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies, New York 2005. Disney, Anthony R.: A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire, Cambridge 2009, vol. 1–2. Dooley, Brendan M. et al. (eds.): The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe, London / New York 2001. Echenberg, Myron J.: Plague Ports: The Global Urban Impact of Bubonic Plague, 1894–1901, New York 2007. Engels, Marie-Christine: Merchants, Interlopers, Seamen and Corsairs: The 'Flemish' Community in Livorno and Genoa (1615–1635), Hilversum 1997. Gelder, Maartje van: Trading Places: The Netherlandish Merchants in Early Modern Venice, Leiden 2009. Gillespie, Raymond: Dublin 1600–1700: A City and its Hinterland, in: Peter Clark et al. (eds.): Capital Cities and their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe, London 1996, pp. 84–104. Gillespie, Raymond: A Colonial Capital and its Hinterland: Dublin (1600–1700), in: Erik Aerts et al. (eds.): Metropolitan Cities and their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe: Session B-6: Proceedings tenth International Economic History Congress, Leuven 1990, pp. 58–66. Go, Sabine: Marine Insurance in the Netherlands, 1600–1870, Amsterdam 2009. Grell, Olle. P. / Cunningham, Andrew / Jutte, Robert: Health Care and Poor Relief in 18th and 19th Century Northern Europe, Burlington 2002. Halasz, Alexandra: The Marketplace of Print: Pamphlets and the Public Sphere in Early Modern England, Cambridge 1997. Harlitz, Erika: Living on the Limit: The Rise and Fall of the Town of Lödöse, in: International Journal of Maritime History 19, 2 (2007), pp. 299–318. Heijden, Manon van der / Heuvel, Danielle van den: Sailors' Families and the Urban Institutional Framework in Early Modern Holland: The History of the Family, in: International Quarterly 12,4 (2007), pp. 296–314. Hohenberg, Paul M. / Lees, Lynn H.: The Making of Urban Europe, 1000–1994, Cambridge et al. 1995 Jacoby, David: Studies on the Crusader States and on Venetian Expansion, Northampton 1989. Jucker, Andreas H. (ed.): Early Modern English News Discourse: Newspapers, Pamphlets and Scientific News Discourse, Amsterdam 2009. Kirk, Thomas A.: Genoa and the Sea: Policy and Powers in an Early Modern Maritime Republic, 1559–1684, Baltimore 2005. Kistemaker, Renee E. / Gelder, Roelof van: Amsterdam: The Golden Age, 1275–1795, New York 1983. Landers, John: Death and the Metropolis: Studies in the Demographic History of London, 1670–1830, Cambridge et al. 1993. Lesger, Clé: Handel in Amsterdam ten tijde van de Opstand: Kooplieden, comerciele expansie en verandering in de ruimtelijke economie van de Nederlanden ca. 1550 – ca. 1630, Hilversum 2001. Lesger, Clé: The Rise of the Amsterdam Market and Information Exchange: Merchants, Commercial Expansion and Change in the Spatial Economy of the Low Countries, c. 1550–1630, Aldershot 2006. Livi Bacci, Massimo: Population and Nutrition: An Essay on European Demographic History, Cambridge et al. 1990. Lucassen, Jan: Migration, Migration History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives, Bern 2005. Lynch, Katherine A.: Individuals, Families, and Communities in Europe, 1200–1800: The Urban Foundations of Western Society, Cambridge 2003. MacKenney, Richard: The City State, 1500–1700, Atlantic Highlands, NJ 1989. Mann, Alastair J.: The Scottish Book Trade, 1500–1720: Print Commerce and Print Control in Early Modern Scotland: An Historiographical Survey of the Early Modern Book in Scotland, East Linton 2000. Martin, John J. et al. (eds.): Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-state, 1297–1797, Baltimore, ML 2002. Michie, Ranald C.: The London Stock Exchange: A History, Oxford 1999. Munro, George E.: The Most International City: St. Petersburg in the Reign of Catherine the Great, Madison, WI 2008. Naphy, Willima / Spicer, Andrew: The Black Death: A History of Plagues, 1345–1730, Strond 2000. Newman, Karen: Cultural Capitals: Early Modern London and Paris, Princeton, NJ 2007. O'Brien, Patrick et al. (eds.): Urban Achievement in Early Modern Europe: Golden Ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London, Cambridge 2001. Parker, Geoffrey: Sovereign City: The City-state through History, London 2004. Parr, J. B.: Frequency Distributions of Central Places in Southern Germany: A Further Analysis, in: Economic Geography 56, 2 (1980), pp. 141–154. Pohl, Hans: Die Portugiesen in Antwerpen (1567–1648): Zur Geschichte einer Minderheit, Wiesbaden 1977. Polonia, Amelia et al. (eds.): European Seaport Systems in the Early Modern Age: A Comparative Approach, Porto 2007. Raymond, Joad: Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain, Cambridge 2003. Ringrose, D. R.: Metropolitan Cities as Parasites, in: Erik Aerts et al. (eds.): Metropolitan Cities and their Hinterlands in Early Modern Europe: Session B-6: Proceedings tenth International Economic History Congress, Leuven 1990, pp. 21–38. Royen, Paul C. van / Bruijn, Jaap / Lucassen, Jan: Those Emblems of Hell: European Sailors and the Maritime Labour Market in the Early Modern Period, St. John's 1997. Sacks, David H. / Lynch, Michael: Ports 1540–1700, in: Peter Clark (ed.): The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, Cambridge 2000, vol. 2, pp. 348–380. Safley, Thomas M.: The Reformation of Charity: The Secular and the Religious in Early Modern Poor Relief, Boston, MA 2003. Scammell, Geoffrey V.: The First Imperial Age: European Overseas Expansion, c. 1400–1715, London 1992. Scammell, Geoffrey V.: Ships, Oceans and Empires: Studies in European Maritime and Colonial History, 1400–1750, Aldershot 1995. Scammell, Geoffrey V.: Seafaring, Sailors and Trade, 1450–1750: Studies in British and European Maritime and Imperial History, Aldershot 2003. Scammell, Geoffrey V.: The World Encompassed: The First European Maritime Empires, c. 800–1650, London 1981. Schulte Beerbühl, Margrit et al. (eds.): Spinning the Commercial Web: International Trade, Merchants, and Commercial Cities, c. 1640–1939, Frankfurt am Main u.a. 2004. Schulze, Hans Kurt: Städtisches Um- und Hinterland in vorindustrieller Zeit, Stuttgart 1985. Shaw, Carlos. M.: Séville XVIe siècle: de Colomb à Don Quichotte, entre Europe et Amériques, le cœur et les richesses du monde, Paris 1992. Tracy, James D.: The Political Economy of Merchant Empires, Cambridge 1991. Tracy, James D.: The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, Cambridge 1990. Trivellato, Francesca: The Familiarity of Strangers: The Sephardic Diaspora, Livorno, and Cross-cultural Trade in the Early Modern Period, New Haven, CT 2009. Vance, James E.: The Merchant's World: The Geography of Wholesaling, Englewood Cliffs, NJ 1970. Walter, John et al. (eds.): Famine, Disease, and the Social Order in Early Modern Society, Cambridge et al. 1989. Ward, Joseph P.: Metropolitan Communities: Trade, Guilds, Identity and Change in Early Modern London, Stanford, CA 1997. Weber, Klaus: Deutsche Kaufleute im Atlantikhandel 1680–1830: Unternehmen und Familien in Hamburg, Cadiz und Bordeaux, Munich 2004. Weber, Max: Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus: Textausgabe auf der Grundlage der ersten Fassung von 1904/05 mit einem Verzeichnis der wichtigsten Zusätze und Veränderungen aus der Zweiten Fassung von 1920, Munich 2006. Zanden, Jan Luiten van: The Long Road to the Industrial Revolution: The European Economy in a Global Perspective, 1000–1800, Leiden 2009. ^ Braudel, La Méditerranée 1976, vol. 1–2; Braudel, Civilisation matérielle 1979, vol. 1–3; Braudel, La Méditerranée: l'espace et l'histoire 1985; Davis, Rise of the Atlantic Economies 1973; Polonia et al., European Seaport Systems 2007. ^ Sacks / Lynch, Ports 1540–1700 2000, p. 379; Broeze, Port Cities 1985, pp. 109–225. ^ Schulze, Städtisches Um- und Hinterland 1985. ^ Clark, Metropolitan Cities 1990, p. 4. ^ Gillespie, A Colonial Capital 1990, pp. 58–66; Ringrose, Metropolitan Cities 1990, pp. 21–38. ^ Walter Christaller's (1893–1969) central place theory from the 1930s was the first attempt to explain the importance of towns in general and the way they related to their surroundings or hinterlands. As a geographer, Christaller saw this relationship in a strictly spatial context, often leaving out important factors such as human mobility, geographical change or economic drive. Christaller, Central Places 1966. ^ Parr, Frequency Distributions, 1980, pp. 141–154. ^ Hohenberg / Lees, The Making of Urban Europe 1995. ^ Vance, The Merchant's World 1970; Bughardt, A Hypothesis 1971, pp. 269–285; Bird, Centrality and Cities 1977, p. 115; Gillespie, Dublin 1996, p. 84–104. ^ Munro, The Most International City 2008; Cross, St. Petersburg 2003. ^ Antunes et al., Ports on the Border 2007, pp. 273–286; Harlitz, Living on the Limit 2007, pp. 299–318. ^ Adams, One's Company 1990; Chaudhury, Merchants, Companies and Trade 1990; Devos, Pratique des documents anciens 1995; Michie, London Stock Exchange 1999; Antunes, Urban Links 2004, pp. 65–85; Schulte Beerbühl et al., Spinning the Commercial Web 2004; Go, Marine Insurance in the Netherlands 2009. ^ Chaunu, Séville et l'Amérique 1977; Kistemaker / Gelder, Amsterdam 1983; Shaw, Séville XVIe siècle 1992; Crespo Solana, Comercio maritimo 2000; O'Brien et al., Urban Achievement 2001; Lesger, Handel in Amsterdam 2001; Martin et al., Venice Reconsidered 2002; Antunes, Globalisation 2004; Weber, Deutsche Kaufleute 2004; Bustos Rodriguez, Cadiz 2005; Lesger, Rise of the Amsterdam Market 2006; Newman, Cultural Capitals 2007. ^ Halasz, Marketplace of Print 1997; Ward, Metropolitan Communities 1997; Mann, The Scottish Book Trade 2000; Dooley et al., The Politics of Information 2001; Raymond, Pamphlets 2003; Jucker, Early Modern English News Discourse 2009; Trivellato, Familiarity 2009. ^ Royen et al., Those Emblems of Hell 1997; Lucassen, Migration 2005. ^ Heijden / Heuvel, Sailors' Families 2007, pp. 296–310. ^ Walter et al., Famine 1989; Livi Bacci, Population and Nutrition 1990; Landers, Death and the Metropolis 1993; Grell et al., Health Care 2002; Lynch, Individuals 2003; Safley, The Reformation of Charity 2003; Diamond, Guns 2005. ^ Naphy / Spicer, Black Death 2000; Cohn, Black Death Transformed 2002; Bailey et al., Hope 2005; Coste, Représentations 2007; Echenberg, Plague Ports 2007. ^ MacKenney, The City State 1989; Parker, Sovereign City 2004; Kirk, Genoa 2005. ^ Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States 1989; Bethencourt et al., L'empire portugais 2007; Bethencourt et al., Portuguese Oceanic Expansion 2007; Disney, History of Portugal 2009, vol. 1–2. ^ Antunes, Globalisation 2004; Antunes, Sea and Land 2005, pp. 115–145. ^ Engels, Merchants 1997; Gelder, Trading Places 2009; Pohl, Portugiesen in Antwerpen 1977. ^ Braudel, La Méditerranée 1976; Braudel, Civilisation matérielle 1979; Braudel, La Méditerranée: l'espace et l'histoire 1985; Cavaciocchi, Ricchezza del Mare 2005; Davis, Rise of the Atlantic Economies 1973; Scammell, Seafaring, Sailors and Trade 2003; Seafaring, Ships, Oceans and Empires 1995; Seafaring, The First Imperial Age 1992; Seafaring, The World Encompassed 1981; Tracy, The Political Economy of Merchant Empires 1991; Tracy, The Rise of Merchant Empires 1990. ^ Weber, Protestantische Ethik 2006. ^ Antunes, Sea and Land 2005, pp. 115–145; Zanden, The Long Road 2009. Dieser Text ist lizensiert unter This text is licensed under : CC by-nc-nd 3.0 Germany - Attribution, Noncommercial, No Derivative Works. Fachherausgeber: Editor: Toni Pierenkemper. Redaktion: Copy Editor: Jennifer Willenberg. Zitierempfehlung Citation. by Cátia Antunes Antunes, Cátia : Early Modern Ports, 1500–1750 , in: Europäische Geschichte Online (EGO), hg. vom Leibniz- Institut für Europäische Geschichte (IEG), Mainz European History Online (EGO), published by the Leibniz Institute of European History (IEG), Mainz 2010-12-03 . URL: ieg-ego.eu/ antunesc-2010 - en URN: urn:nbn:de:0159-2010102547 [JJJJ-MM-TT] [YYYY-MM-DD] . Bitte setzen Sie beim Zitieren dieses Beitrages hinter der URL-Angabe in Klammern das Datum Ihres letzten Besuchs dieser Online-Adresse ein. Beim Zitieren einer bestimmten Passage aus dem Beitrag bitte zusätzlich die Nummer des Textabschnitts angeben, z.B. 2 oder 1-4. When quoting this article please add the date of your last retrieval in brackets after the url. When quoting a certain passage from the article please also insert the corresponding number(s), for example 2 or 1-4. Economic Relations Between Europe and the World: Dependence and Interdependence. Published Erschienen : 2012-05-31    This article sketches the beginnings and central trends in the development of economic ties between Europe and regions outside Europe from 1450 to 1950. The focus is on the increasing diversity and volume of goods exchanged, and the reciprocal enrichment of material cultures between the continents. In this way, the article creates a vivid picture of the emergence of the global market and the beginnings of global competition. It also seeks to identify the central driving forces behind the successive periods of intensification of trade and interaction from the late Middle Ages to the modern period. Finally, this study describes the increasing interconnection of the economic regions of the Orient and the Occident, as well as the interdependence of the two. Inhaltsverzeichnis Table of Contents. General Trends in Development. Trade played a more central role in the mercantilist period of European history from 1500 to 1750 – sometimes referred to as early capitalism or trade capitalism – than in almost any other period. 1 We must begin with the questions: When in human history did the first exchange of goods between Europe and the other four continents of Africa , Asia , America and Australia occur? Where are the origins of what one could describe as on-going exchange, as established economic relations to be found? These questions refer to an even larger global context because the global economic edifice changed fundamentally from "proto-globalization" to globalization. 2 This process was primarily determined by Europe from the 15th to the 20th century. From the 16th century to 1914, trade within Europe at all times constituted the most significant portion of global trade, and the volume of that trade grew disproportionately quickly during the early modern period and into the modern period. 3 National markets became increasingly interconnected, driven by numerous innovations in the areas of infrastructure, transportation, energy supply, and – not least – institutions (rules, constitutions, division of labour, currency standards, etc.). The transition from individual production to mass production and the convergence of prices of goods and materials made transactions considerably easier, thereby accelerating integration. Starting in the late Middle Ages at the latest and continuing at least into the 19th century, Europe dominated most developments in international trade. From the end of the 19th century, North America began to exert a stronger influence on the global economy. 4 Around the beginning of the 21st century, the Asian states – most notably China – gained influence and the USA became financially dependent on its East Asian creditors, while China seems to become the engine of growth of the current century. Europe Becomes Increasingly Central from the Late Middle Ages. In the early part of the last millennium, population movement and the cultivation of new territories increased as a result of the crusades and the eastward expansion of the German-speaking population. In 1500, there were five cities in Europe with populations greater than 100,000: Venice, Genoa , Naples , Milan , and – as the only example north of the Alps – Paris . The reasons why Europe was able to gain a significant economic advantage over the other continents during the course of the early modern period are complex in nature. Initially, land – as the most important resource – played a central role, prompting landlords to engage in territorial expansion to gain ownership of more land. Additionally, the distribution of land was an effective method of ensuring the loyalty of vassals. In the archaic societies of central and Eastern Europe , where low population density meant that migration and innovation rarely became necessary, this form of land ownership persisted for a long time, surviving into the 19th century in some cases. In relatively densely populated regions – particularly in Western Europe , where land enclosure became increasingly common –, goods and knowledge were frequently exchanged, often across borders. The leading states of the European continent usually showed themselves to be open to innovations. This applied both to technological and commercial innovations, the latter primarily originating in Italy . 5 The term "commercial revolution" is often used to describe this process. 6. An argument often advanced to explain the unique position of Europe among the continents is the cultural and economic heterogeneity of its states. Migration and communication were the real accelerating factors of European history. The specific mix of (Italian) city states, principalities, bishoprics, kingdoms, etc., and the concomitant intensification of interregional competition accelerated development towards modernity. The "permanent incongruence" of economic, political and cultural factors explains the competitive dynamic of the continent. The advanced system of education and the early institutionalization of centres of artisanal and early-industrial training and production also played their part. The liberalization of trade, craftsmanship and industrial labour, as well as the emergence of parliamentary democracy provided an essential basis for the generation of economic growth, which was accompanied from the 18th century by an impressive growth in population. The restless search for new knowledge which was a central feature of modern humanism and the enlightenment gave the Old Continent its unmistakeable appearance. During the period of the ancien régime , the Netherlands had the most efficient and the most comprehensive network of roads of all the countries of Western Europe. 7 From the late Middle Ages, increasing international trade made an international information and communications network necessary. As mediators between worlds, merchants often maintained their own courier services. For example, the Fuggers maintained a system of couriers between Augsburg and Venice in the 16th century. 8 Conurbations with intensive commercial activity subsequently emerged in and around Amsterdam , London and Paris, as well as in the Aachen - Lüttich and Ruhr regions . Per capita incomes and the standard of living rose much more quickly in these regions than elsewhere. However, the rapid industrialisation of Central, Western and Northern Europe required considerable resources. In the 19th century, coal replaced wood as the main source of energy. In the 20th century, oil largely replaced coal. Electricity, generated hydro-electrically, as well as coal, oil, nuclear energy and solar energy emerged as the most adaptable form of energy which was available almost everywhere. The transportation of this energy played an increasingly important role in international trade. 9. The "Oligopolization" of the Global Economy. In the period between the Industrial Revolution and the First World War, three powers were central in determining the rate of economic growth in Europe and Europe's relative importance in world events: Great Britain , Germany and France . In 1913, the last year in the first half of the 20th century which can be described as a "normal year", these three countries dominated large sections of the global economy. In this context, it is possible to speak of an "oligopolization" of the global economy, on which – along with the USA – these three states exerted the greatest influence. While these three countries contained less than half of the population of Europe, they accounted for approximately three quarters of Europe's industrial production and three quarters of all trade between Europe and the rest of the world. The high productivity levels of their economies were clearly reflected in the structure of their trade, i.e., in the exportation of industrial products and the importation of raw materials. As a result, these countries dominated the international flow of capital and direct foreign investment in the years before the First World War. In the absence of supranational economic institutions, Great Britain, which in London provided the central capital market of the world, in effect ensured that the global economy continued to function. 10 Besides, the Bank of England followed the principle of the gold standard in all money and capital markets of the world and Great Britain generally adhered to liberal political principles. However, it proved impossible to resurrect this system after the First World War. After the global catastrophe of the Great Depression, global trade volumes declined by 26% and European trade by 38%. 11 In the period between the Great Crash and the Second World War, national concepts replaced unified (foreign) economic and currency policies in Europe. In 1932, Britain forfeited its policy of free trade and gave precedence to the Commonwealth. Economic policy in the Third Reich followed Hjalmar Schacht's (1877–1970) Neuer Plan , with a series of discriminatory measures and a reorientation of foreign trade towards Eastern Europe and Latin America . France tried to improve matters by binding public and private capital together in so-called mixed companies in the key industries. 12. The Second World War not only blocked the circulation of goods and capital within Europe, but it brought an end to the global economy for decades by splitting Europe into an eastern and a western part. Italy, Austria , the Federal Republic of Germany , France and the other democratic states committed themselves to liberal, free market economics and social democracy, while Poland , Bulgaria , Romania , Czechoslovakia , Hungary and East Germany adopted the centrally planned economy model of the Soviet Union , until this system was brought to an end by the people through a peaceful revolution after 45 years. Even before this, the view had gained acceptance that the innovation-oriented system of free market economics was superior to the more static concept of central planning and dictatorial management, and there had been signs of the approaching dissolution of the latter. The reunified Germany and the "old" European axis powers were then able to agree new European economic, currency, and trade policies under the auspices of European supranational institutions such as the Council of Europe and the European Central Bank. Already in 1957, six western European states founded the European Economic Community (EEC). The establishment of a customs union in 1968 was a decisive step towards further integration. The European Union (EU), which had 12 members in 1986 and increased to 27 in 2011, developed into one of the strongest economic powers in the world beside the USA, Japan and China. With the European Central Bank and the Euro, the European Union established a uniform legal means of payment, which increasingly became a kind of reserve currency alongside the American dollar. Phases of Different Intensity and Concentration in Growth and Trade. The expansion of European overseas trade did not occur in a linear fashion. Qualitatively and quantitatively, the 12th and 13th centuries, and the 16th and early 17th centuries were periods of strong commercial growth. Conversely, the 14th and 15th centuries, the second half of the 17th century and the first half of the 18th century must be viewed as phases of weaker or stagnating economic growth. 13 The phases of pronounced expansion were usually accompanied by a strong increase in trade over land, primarily in a north-south direction (through the Champagne region in the Middle Ages, and through southern Germany in the second half of the 15th century and in the 16th century), but also in an east-west direction. In the 12th and 13th centuries, increasing sea-borne traffic in the Mediterranean provided a significant stimulus to transcontinental trade. Similarly, the phase of growth in transcontinental trade in the 16th century was accompanied by advances in Atlantic and intercontinental shipping. In the High Middle Ages, trade was also stimulated by the transportation of goods by caravan from regions in the Far East to Central Asia and finally to Eurasia . The southeastern European focal point of this trade was Venice, which – not coincidentally – was also the departure point of merchants such as the brothers Niccolò (1230–1300) and Maffeo Polo (1252–1309), and Niccolò's son Marco Polo (1254–1324)[ ]. 14 In the 16th century, expansion occurred along the coasts of Central and South America to the silver mines of Potosí (in present-day Bolivia ) and Zacatecas in Mexico , bringing Atlantic trade and European trade rich returns. While European trade over land grew very slowly or stagnated in the late Middle Ages, trade between the North Sea and the Baltic Sea (Hanse), and between the ports of the North Sea (particularly Bruges ) and the ports of northern and central Italy increased considerably. Growth was clearly driven by maritime expansion. Those who controlled the ocean had a position of hegemony in intercontinental mercantilist trade. 15 From the 17th century, the trade in goods with regions outside of Europe grew as a result of the emergence of Dutch and British colonial trade. However, this could not fully compensate for the decrease in trade over land during the periods of weakness. In general, trade and economic development now occurred primarily in the central ports and their surrounding regions along the coasts of the European mainland. 16 It is in this context that some speak of the "économie du pourtour", or the economy of the surrounding area, which refers to a particular economic region – for example, the Mediterranean – and its specific development. 17 In the two periods of weak European growth, growth in maritime trade in the overseas regions was not particularly spectacular either. On the contrary, during the great depression in the 14th and 15th centuries, the conquests of the Turks and, in particular, the Mongol Tatars deprived European trade of access to important markets in the Levant . During the second period of weak economic growth in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, European overseas trade did not begin to expand significantly again until after the Portuguese-Spanish colonial empire had been replaced by the Dutch-British empire. This involved a certain shift of geographical focus, but it was essentially based on simple trade and exchange at garrisons and coastal bases, as well as plantation agriculture, which bore characteristics of slash-and-burn economics. In other words, colonial expansion also remained an économie du pourtour . From the mid-18th century, both transcontinental and sea-borne trade experienced strong growth. The targeted expansion of European transportation and trade infrastructure, and the gradual acceptance of liberal economic thought, which replaced protectionist mercantilism, resulted in the dawn of a new period of economic development not only in Europe, but also overseas. The integration of the colonial interior, which was begun by Great Britain during the 18th century, assumed considerable importance in the early 19th century with the emergence of the idea of the frontier . Britain's "new colonial system" gradually transformed into a North American cotton-producing industry which accompanied and supported the emergence of early-industrial mechanization in Europe. 18 European Trade During Industrialization. During the period of classical national economics, Adam Smith's (1723–1790)[ ] magnum opus The Wealth of Nations of 1776 provided a theoretical justification of free trade. However, a series of political events and external shocks called into question the practicality of free trade. These included, for example, the continental blockade which occurred during the course of Napoleonic expansion, which crippled trade and commerce for years. 19 Even the subsequent period of the Restoration must be viewed more as a regression into protectionism than a liberalization of trade. 20 However, the introduction of the Code civil (1804) and the Code de Commerce (1807) in France and in the regions under French influence, such as the kingdom of Westphalia , provided a modern (economic) system, which included rational regulations and made trade easier. The introduction of the metric system, the dissolution of the guilds, and the introduction of a progressive agrarian order were the cornerstones of the reform, which was gradually transferred to other European countries after the Restoration. Early industrialization and the post-Restoration phase were thus accompanied by broader systemic measures, such as various forms of agrarian reform ("peasant emancipation", "enclosures", etc.), anti-protectionism (customs union, commercial liberalisation, trade treaties with mutual most-favoured-status, Cobden treaty, etc.) and fiscal and financial rationalization (regulations and standards in the areas of measures, coinage and weights, as well as currency and bank reforms, etc.). These brought about a lasting improvement in the terms of trade of the countries involved, 21 thereby providing a relatively well-ordered and secure economic basis for the formation of nation-states. However, Europe was very diverse economically, and there were pioneers (Britain, France, Switzerland , etc.) and latecomers, which included southern and eastern Europe and most of the German lands. 22 However, the latecomers were able to learn from the mistakes made by the pioneers and to adapt the innovative technologies of the latter. Consequently, Germany, for example, was able to catch up very quickly in the late 19th century and even became the world leader in certain segments of the global market (chemistry, optics, steel industry, machinery, electrical engineering, etc.) by the outbreak of the First World War. 23 Comparative research into productivity gives many indicators of how the economies of the European states developed differently and at different times. 24. European industrialization lead to a rapid increase in demand for agricultural and industrial raw materials as well as for other goods, and it made the provision of quicker, cheaper and more efficient means of transportation and communication necessary . Both internal European trade and trade between Europe and the rest of the world were considerably boosted by determinedly liberal trade policies, which were, however, increasingly called into question after 1914 and ultimately completely abandoned during the interwar years (to be reintroduced after the Second World War). Nevertheless, technological innovations, air transport, and the emergence of new means of communication (telex, electronic communication, etc.) resulted in the increasingly intensive integration of Europe and the world, although industrial development proceeded slowly, if at all, in the countries on the European periphery. For example, there were tendencies towards de-industrialization in the Balkans . 25. The First World War moved the axes of global trade. The international currency system disintegrated, and in 1914 countries such as Russia , Germany and France abandoned the convertibility of their currencies into gold. Since the most serious events of the war occurred on the European continent, they damaged structures of production and considerably harmed economic growth there. The high costs involved in converting factories from peacetime to war production, naval blockades, risk premiums, increasing inflation, and the rapidly rising cost of transactions due to the war damaged the European continent. As a result, the global economic order had undergone fundamental change to the advantage of America by 1918. Europe's portion of the world social product was declining. The interwar years were defined by crises like no other period. Even in many European countries, currency and financial systems disintegrated. In particular, Weimar Germany was hit by a series of crises and political setbacks, for example the assassination of politicians such as Matthias Erzberger (1875–1921) and Walther Rathenau (1867–1922)[ ], hyperinflation in 1923, and the global financial crisis in 1929, which plunged large parts of Europe into massive deflation with extremely high unemployment . France, Great Britain and southern and eastern Europe were also affected by the dire global financial climate, or were weakened by internal revolts. Protectionism blossomed in the interwar period, resulting in a kind of "de-Europeanization" of the global economy. The industrial nations outside Europe, particularly the USA, Canada and Japan, saw their portion of the global market increase, while the portion of global exports of the three big countries in Europe (France, Great Britain, Germany) decreased. The dominance of protectionism and state intervention resulted in a kind of splintering of the global economy into systems and preference zones which were isolated from one another to a greater or lesser degree. Interwar Germany accessed energy resources and raw materials in eastern and southeastern Europe to strengthen its industry, but it neglected its consumer goods industry. In general, the interwar period in Europe was characterized by economic and social disintegration, and the "European house" had to be rebuilt from its foundations after the Second World War. This involved decreasing the amount of money in circulation, establishing monetary order, and making the European countries fit to re-join the global market. Thanks in large part to the Marshall Plan (European Recovery Program), these goals were largely achieved and impressive export-led economic growth followed. The OEEC ( Organization for European Economic Cooperation ) provided an effective institutional basis for this process. As a result of the Schuman Plan and conciliation efforts on all levels, Germany, France, the Benelux states and Italy were able to establish a relatively stable basis for European integration. The cautious attempts to influence industrial development involved in the Coal and Steel Pact 26 ultimately led to the founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. In the following year, the European Parliament was established in Strasbourg with Robert Schuman (1886–1963)[ ] as its first president. The Treaties of Rome (25th of March, 1957), on which the EEC was based, constituted a first big step on the road to European political and economic integration. This not only provided a strong stimulus to "internal" integration, but also built an initial framework for external relations. With a 20% share of all global imports and exports, the European Union is the largest commercial power in the 21st century, 27 followed by the USA, China and Japan. In 2010, goods to the value of 15,238 billion US dollars were exported worldwide (in 2009, it was 12,522 billion dollars). This equates to a growth of approximately 21.7% from 2009. The main exporters were the People's Republic of China, the USA, Germany, Japan and the Netherlands. These five countries together accounted for 35.9% of worldwide goods exports. In 2010, China was at the top of the list of the world's strongest exporting nations for the second time, followed by the USA and Germany. 28. Europe and the African World. The discovery and conquest of Africa, America and East India in the late Middle Ages and the early modern period had long-lasting effects on the territories and regions involved. During the course of the 15th century, Portugal – centrally located at the connection between the two Atlantic zones – was able to conquer strategic locations along the west coast of Africa and in the African Atlantic region, though these bases suffered serious reversals between 1475 and 1480. 29 In the 1440s, the Portuguese expanded their trade in African slaves in the coastal region of the Rio de Oro, which they were now able to conduct without the assistance of Asian and African middlemen. These strongly fortified settlements, such as those on the west African island of Arguim and in the town of Elmina in present-day Ghana , were not only centres of the slave trade, but also served as bases for the trade in gold, malagueta pepper, ivory and other trade goods. Initially, it was Italian sailors and captains who, in the service of Portugal, explored the Atlantic islands off North Africa . 30 In 1312, Lanzarotto Malocello (ca. 1270–1336), who came from the region around Genoa, discovered the Canary Islands . Lanzarote was named after him. In the early 15th century, the Portuguese secured further towns and islands in the region, for example Ceuta in 1415, Madeira in 1418, the Azores in 1427 and Cape Bojador on the African mainland. Subsequently, further bases along the west coast of Africa were added, progressing from north to south: Cabo Branco in 1441, Cape Verde in 1444, and the mouth of River Gambia in 1446. In 1456, the Italian Alvise Cadamosto (1432–1488), who was in the service of Henry the Navigator (1394–1460), claimed the Cape Verde Islands for Portugal. 31 Sierra Leone was claimed in 1460, and Fort São Jorge da Mina was constructed two years later. Here, the Portuguese began to trade extensively, acquiring African gold in return for red and blue dyed cloth, head scarves, coral from Europe, brass armbands from Germany, and Portuguese white wine. In this trade as in the slave trade, yellow and red mussels from the Canaries were used as money. 32. In the early modern period, Africa became the preferred region of operation of the privileged trading companies. England, France, the Netherlands, Switzerland and a number of other European countries delivered manufactured goods made of glass, metal and textiles, as well as weapons and alcohol to Africa in exchange for slaves, provisions, gold, etc. This European-African trade was often just one leg of the so-called triangular trade between Europe, Africa and America. This system of trade remained dominant from the 17th to the early 19th century, at which point the increasingly pervasive ban on slave trading shifted the focus of trade in Africa. Most of the African states became dependent on European colonial powers who reduced them to the status of suppliers of raw materials and comprehensively exploited them. Similar to South America, monocultures emerged in Africa which were heavily dependent on the weather conditions and the harvest cycle. Water shortages, famines, low per capita incomes and low literacy levels remain the consequences of African "modernity" up to the present. In many African states, the economic dominance of Western states persists up to the present, often referred to as neo-colonialism in the literature. The continuing demand for raw materials on the global market could greatly improve growth and the balance of trade in the resource-rich states of Africa if the resulting export surpluses were invested in the respective countries and found their way into the pockets of consumers there. In general, large differences in per capita incomes exist between the individual African states. The economic reality of Africa is too complex to be described solely in terms of dependency theories or the world system approach. 33 Europe, the Orient and Asia. Leaving aside classical antiquity, territorial expansion from Europe towards Asia can be traced back to the period of the crusades, which lasted from the end of the 11th to the 13th century. Along the routes followed by the crusaders to southeastern Europe, across the Balkans and to the Levant, an impressive infrastructure emerged to meet the weaponry and provisioning needs of a few hundred thousand crusading knights and pilgrims bound for Jerusalem . Many of these provisioning stations were subsequently used by Italian and other European merchants for the transportation of goods to and from the Middle East and the Levant. Venice proved to be particularly well-placed geographically to benefit from this trade. It became the focal point for the exchange of goods and information between Asia and Europe, 34 and a "model" for the subsequent trade networks of the colonial powers of Portugal, the Netherlands and Britain. 35 The golden age of the lagoon city reached a climax after the conquest of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade (1199–1204). It is no coincidence that it was Venetian merchants like Niccolò, Maffeo and Marco Polo who helped to establish the trade in goods with the Chinese Empire and even established diplomatic relations with the court of Kublai Khan (1215–1295). In doing so, they utilized existing routes such as the Silk Road , an important axis of medieval "global trade" which grew in importance in the late 13th and 14th centuries. This had a profound effect not only on the material culture of Europe, but also on Europeans' idea of Asia. In the Battle of Curzola in 1298, Marco Polo was taken into Genoese captivity, and he described his journey to the writer Rusticiano da Pisa while in prison. Through the writings of the latter, some details of Polo's experiences in China entered the mosaic of images, facts and beliefs which Europeans associated with China. In addition to members of the Polo family, other contemporaries also set out for Central Asia, such as the Flanders native Wilhelm von Rubruk (ca. 1210–1270) who set out in May 1253. Many were clergymen, such as the Franciscan Johannes von Montecorvino (1247–1328) who visited India and reported on spices such as pepper and cinnamon, and on the culinary habits of the Indians. Odorico da Pordenone (ca. 1286–1331) from Udine , who was also a Franciscan monk, travelled in 1314/1315 via Ceylon , Java , Singapore and southern China to Peking , and he reported on his experiences, both ordinary and extraordinary. More than 110 of his manuscripts have survived, and his influence has been significant. 36. Whereas the Polos had travelled to Asia primarily by land, sea voyages to Asia increased from 1488 onward when Bartholomeu Diaz (ca. 1450–1500) from Portugal became the first to sail around the Cape of Good Hope . The establishment of the Portuguese empire in India made European-Asian relationships more permanent and secure. In some cases, Italian sea captains and southern German capital participated in these voyages. 37 In the context of this double expansion in the Atlantic region and in the Far East, Lisbon became increasingly central and pivotal in global trade. It was no coincidence that many overseas expeditions by important explorers began in the Portuguese capital. The first expeditions to Asia during and after the discovery of the sea route around the Cape of Good Hope and into the Indian Ocean witnessed conspicuous efforts on the part of southern, central and western European merchants and consortia to promote their interests in the east by means of agents. For example, wealthy Nuremberg and Augsburg merchants, and Dutchmen participated in the first voyages to India. Following the punctual pattern established in Africa, the Portuguese began to fortify ports and towns in strategically important places, in order to make them impervious to attacks. The cities of Calicut and Goa are examples on the Indian west coast. Development in the early modern period was dominated by the privileged trading companies of the Dutch and the British, but also of smaller states such as Denmark . 38 From the 17th century, the Netherlands played a leading role in trade between Europe and the rest of the world, particularly trade with Asia. In the 18th century, Great Britain dominated the Asian markets, though its focus was on India instead of Indonesia and Southeast Asia . The British East India Company, founded in 1600, and the Dutch East India Company , founded in 1602, dominated markets in the Indian Ocean and – to a lesser extent – in the South China Sea . Their power extended far beyond trade, and it resulted in a "golden age" in Holland and its main city, Amsterdam. 39. In the 18th and 19th centuries, parts of Asia were increasingly drawn into the process of European industrialization. India in particular, as part of the Commonwealth, became an important source of raw materials (particularly cotton) as well as food and stimulants (particularly tea). The period of industrialization and of the rise of the middle class in Europe would not have been possible without these supplies and the intensification of exchange with Asia. The building of railways – a European innovation – began in the 19th century in Turkey , India, Japan and China, with lasting consequences for the territorialisation of economics and trade, and it provided the basis for further trade. The telegraph line between Calcutta and London, which was constructed by Siemens and opened in 1870, gave an important new stimulus to trade and the exchange of information between Europe and Asia. In all regions of Asia, enclaves and cities remained in European ownership until relatively recently, as in the case of Hong Kong which the British only relinquished in 1997. America, the Pacific and Asia. If one defines interdependence as a regular, planned, systematic, on-going and reciprocal exchange of information and goods, then one can observe the beginning of American-Asian relations in 1519, at which time the Manila fleets began to sail regularly from Acapulco (Mexico) to Indonesia, or more specifically to the port city and trading centre of Manila on the Philippines . They brought precious metals, particularly silver, from Central America to Asia and usually transported spices, silks, porcelain and jewels back. Pearls from the islands of Cubagua and Margarita off the coast of Venezuela were also traded overseas. In the 16th century, this trade prompted southern German merchants such as Christoph Herwart (1464–1529) to get involved in trade with India. 40. Europe Meets Australia in the 17th Century. It can be assumed that the discovery of the Cape York Peninsula by the Dutchman Willem Jansz (ca. 1570–1630) in 1606 was one of the first instances of economic contact between Europe and Australia. A decade later, Dirk Hartog (1580–1621) reached the west coast of Australia. During the course of the 17th century, Willem de Vlamingh (1640–1698) and William Dampier (1651–1715) "discovered" other parts of the Australian continent, thereby facilitating the more concentrated exploration and mapping of Australia. From a European perspective, Australia did not play a significant role in trade, though there was some British foreign investment in Australia before the First World War. This was focused primarily on the building and financing of infrastructure projects (railways, harbours, public buildings, etc.). Conversely, Australian wool and mutton were exported to Europe. 41. Europe, the Atlantic and America. The beginning of relatively regular economic relations between Europe and America occurred in the 16th century. The initial contact with America which Vikings under Erik the Red (950–ca. 1005) established around 1000 BC cannot be described as a lasting exchange; neither can such exchange be said to have existed in the first two or three decades after America was rediscovered by the Genoese sailor Christopher Columbus (1451–1506). 42. Trade between the Old World and the New World constantly experienced fluctuations which were caused by by economic growth and developments such as the discovery, mining and transportation of precious metals. This was true in particular of silver and gold from South America and Central America, and later from North America. The supply of coin metal to European states from overseas affected the currency stability, liquidity, monetary independence, and ultimately the profitability of early modern capital markets. However, due to insufficient domestic production, Spain was constantly dependent on imports from Asia, and a considerable portion of the precious metals imported from South America was transferred to Asia via Cádiz and Seville as payment. Consequently, the quantity of precious metals which was used to mint coins in Spain and Portugal should not be overestimated. The inflationary effect of imported precious metals was therefore less significant than has been assumed. 43. Around the beginning of the 16th century, Portugal's double expansion continued with its turning westward and commencing to colonize Brazil . Impressive colonial cities came into being on the coast, such as Salvador do Bahia , the first capital city of Brazil. The eastern part of South America had been granted to the Portuguese by Pope Alexander VI (1492–1503) in the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) . Around 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral (ca. 1468–1520) claimed mainland Brazil for Portugal, and expeditions during the course of the 16th century, such as those by Martim Afonso de Sousa (1500–1564), explored the Brazilian interior. During this time, several groups of Portuguese Jesuits founded towns and the earliest sugar cane plantations in Brazil. One such sugar mill was acquired by the Schetz company of Antwerp in 1540. 44 Sugar production in Brazil was able to increase vastly in scale because of the use of African slaves, thereby paving the way for the basic forms of tropical agricultural production which were to become the predominant forms in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean , as well as in the southern part of North America. Brazil played a large role in supplying Europe with inexpensive sugar in the early modern period due to big increases in productivity in the cultivation of sugar cane which brought down the price of sugar. A similar development occurred in the case of maize, cocoa, coffee, tobacco and cotton. In the second third of the 16th century, transatlantic relations intensified, due in part to the discovery of precious metals in South America. During the course of the discovery of the American continent, not only did people of different ethnic backgrounds encounter one another, the material culture was also greatly enriched, for example by the arrival of previously unknown plants, animals and goods in Europe. Medieval Europe had no knowledge of cocoa and, consequently, of chocolate. Some present-day dietary staples such as maize and the potato, which – like tapioca and nasturtium – are good sources of carbohydrates, were previously unknown in Europe also. Equally new to Europeans were sugar-rich plants such as sugar maple and protein-rich legumes such as beans. Other plants such as peanuts provided oil and fat. New vegetable types such as tomatoes, peppers and pumpkins, and nuts and fruits from avocados and pineapples to guavas and papayas appeared on European tables. Europe became acquainted with intoxicants such as the products of the maté tree and the coca bush. Spices such as vanilla, allspice and chili contributed to the refinement of European culinary tastes. Tobacco was also cultivated in Europe for the first time in the early modern period. It is beyond question that the exchange of new types of food and stimulants has had an effect on patterns of behaviour – and even on architecture – in the modern period. Smoking rooms or gentlemen's rooms containing pipe stands, ashtrays, matches and similar utensils were a given in 18th-century and 19th-century villas. Coffee houses were often popular meeting places for artists and literati, and were consequently much-frequented places for meeting and communication which had a considerable effect on the culture of large European cities. New types of wood, such as rare pine species and mahogany, appeared in the sitting rooms of affluent Europeans. Quebracho trees and various species of mangrove provided tannic acid. Rubber trees and sweet potato trees provided rubber, while the wax palm, the carnauba palm and the jojoba provided wax. The variety of dyes available was also increased by access to tropical plants, ranging from the brazil wood to the redwood, the logwood, the yellowwood, and indigo, which began to replace woad in Europe. The New World was also a source of numerous plants which provided insecticides, such as barbasco roots, the bitterwood, and the cashew nut; even tobacco falls into this category. Today "American" plants are even used as fuel sources, as experiments with tapioca, maize and species of copaiba demonstrate. 45 Conversely, Europe enriched the American continent by the introduction of new animal and plant species, as well as new inventions, cultivation techniques and ideas. These ranged from horses, cattle, donkeys and hens to honeybees and silkworms, and from new types of cereals such as barley to apples, apricots, almonds, various types of cabbage, carrots, aubergines, flax and garlic. Europeans also introduced a vast array of weapons and craft tools, as well as institutional innovations such as Roman law, which was established in many states of North and South America. There were also innovations such as the amalgamation process for extracting silver and gold from ores using mercury, or book printing, which accelerated and intensified the transfer of information and knowledge from the Old World to the New World. To summarize, the encounter between the material and intellectual cultures of Europe and America resulted in enormous mutual enrichment and inspiration. 46 However, it also had negative effects, such as the transfer of diseases in both directions. Many more indigenous Americans died as a result of "European" diseases than died in violent confrontations during the course of the Conquista . Conversely, European travellers contracted "American" illnesses which had not existed in medieval Europe. The Netherlands, England, France, and other European countries (Denmark, Sweden , Austria, Prussia , Switzerland, etc.) sought to gain access to trade in Asia, Africa and America by means of privileged companies. In the 17th and 18th centuries, this often took the form of the so-called triangular trade, i.e., participation in trade with Africa, America and the Caribbean, and the rest of Europe, African trade being largely synonymous with slave trading. Slaves were bought in exchange for European manufactured goods and subsequently transported to the large estates of the West Indies and America on special slave ships. 47 In the early modern period, 10 to 12 million Africans were taken in this way to the New World, from where colonial produce was transported to Europe. Privileged European trading companies were also employed in Atlantic trade, such as the Royal African Company and the Hudson's Bay Company, the Dutch West India Company and corresponding French companies. The expanding European settlements in America required a growing number of labourers for the work on plantations and other possessions. As a result, the triangular trade persisted until the abolition movement of the 19th century. Denmark and Great Britain abolished slavery in 1807, followed by the USA in 1808, and Holland and France in 1814. In addition to the role played by the American and French revolutions in promoting freedom and human rights, economic interests played a decisive role in this process. New economic systems which emerged as a result of the industrial revolutions began to replace old mercantilist forms. The emerging polypolistic variety of markets was accompanied by the intensification of market formation and of competition. An economic transformation occurred, which introduced new institutional forms, a liberal economic and social order, and a radical integration of world markets. Subsequently, global exports grew as a proportion of the world social product from approximately 1% in 1825 to approximately 8% in 1900, and finally to approximately 16% in 2000. The global economy has multiplied by 44 since 1820, and global trade has grown in volume by a factor of 600 in the same period. Up to the First World War, Western Europe undoubtedly contributed most to the world gross social product. In 1913, it accounted for 906 billion international dollars (of a total of 1990 billion), which equates to 33.5% of the World Gross Domestic Product (GDP). By 1950, this percentage declined to 26.3%, and by 1998 to 20.6%. 48 While Europe's trade with territories in the rest of the world grew in absolute terms, it became less important in relative terms since trade relations between the industrialized countries grew disproportionately quickly in significance. Rolf Walter , Jena. Literatura. Ambrosius, Gerold / Hubbard, William H.: Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte Europas im 20. Jahrhundert, Munich 1986. Ankenbauer, Norbert: "das ich mochte meer newer dyng erfaren": Die Versprachlichung des Neuen in den Paesi novamente retrovati (Vicenza, 1507) und in ihrer deutschen Übersetzung (Nürnberg, 1508), Berlin 2010. Ball, J.N.: Merchants and Merchandise: The Expansion of Trade in Europe 1500–1630, London 1977. Bayly, Christopher A.: The Birth of the Modern World 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons, Oxford 2004. Behringer, Wolfgang: Fugger und Taxis: Der Anteil Augsburger Kaufleute an der Entstehung des europäischen Kommunikationssystems, in: Johannes Burkhardt et. al.: Augsburger Handelshäuser im Wandel des historischen Urteils, Berlin 1986, pp. 241–248. Blaich, Fritz: Die Epoche des Merkantilismus, Wiesbaden 1973. Blockmans, Wim: Geschichte der Macht in Europa: Völker, Staaten, Märkte, Frankfurt am Main 1998. Borries, Bodo von: Deutschlands Außenhandel 1836–1856: Eine statistische Untersuchung zur Frühindustrialisierung, Stuttgart 1970. Braudel, Fernand: Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme, XVe-XVIIIe siècle: vol. 2: Les Jeux de l'échange, Paris 1986. Braudel, Fernand: Sozialgeschichte des 15.–18. Jahrhunderts, vol. 3: Aufbruch zur Weltwirtschaft, Munich 1990. Bräunlein, Peter J.: Martin Behaim: Legende und Wirklichkeit eines berühmten Nürnbergers, Bamberg 1992. Burk, Kathleen: Money and Power: The Shift from Great Britain to the United States, in: Youssef Cassis (ed.): Finance and Financiers in European History 1880–1960, Cambridge 1992, pp. 359–369. Cameron, Rondo: Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft, vol. 1: Vom Paläolithikum bis zur Industrialisierung; vol. 2: Von der Industrialisierung bis zur Gegenwart, Stuttgart 1991–1992. Cassandro, Michele: L'irradiazione economica fiorentina nell'Italia meridoniale tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, in: Ilaria Zilli (ed.): Fra spazio e tempo: Studi in onore di Luigi De Rosa, Naples 1995, vol. I, pp. 191–221. Crosby, Alfred W.: The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492, Westport, CT 1972. Degn, Christian: Die Schimmelmanns im atlantischen Dreieckshandel: Gewinn und Gewissen, Neumünster, 3rd edition, 2000. Diwald, Hellmut: Der Kampf um die Weltmeere, Munich 1980. Erhard, Andreas / Ramminger, Eva: Die Meerfahrt: Balthasar Springers Reise zur Pfefferküste, Innsbruck 1998. Ewald, Ursula: Pflanzen Iberoamerikas und ihre Bedeutung für Europa: Überlegungen aus geographischer Sicht, in: Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas, 32 (1995), pp. 33–55. Fäßler, Peter E.: Globalisierung: Ein historisches Kompendium, Cologne et al. 2007. Fremdling, Rainer: Technologischer Wandel und internationaler Handel im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert: Die Eisenindustrien in Großbritannien, Belgien, Frankreich und Deutschland, Berlin 1986. Gerschenkron, Alexander: Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective, Cambridge, MA 1968. Gerschenkron, Alexander: Europe in the Russian Mirror: Four Lectures in Economic History, London 1970. Glamann, Kristof: Der europäische Handel 1500–1750, in: Carlo Maria Cipolla / Knut Borchardt: Europäische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Stuttgart et al. 1983, vol. 2: Sechzehntes und siebzehntes Jahrhundert, pp. 271–333. Grabas, Margrit: Konjunktur und Wachstum in Deutschland von 1895 bis 1914, Berlin 1992 (Schriften zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 39). Gramulla, Gertrud Susanna: Handelsbeziehungen Kölner Kaufleute zwischen 1500 und 1650, Cologne 1972 (Forschungen zur internationalen Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 4). Hamilton, Earl J.: American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650, Cambridge, MA 1934 (Harvard Economic Studies 43). Hardach, Gerd: Der Erste Weltkrieg, Munich 1977. Hendrich, Yvonne: Valentin Fernandes: Ein deutscher Buchdrucker in Portugal um die Wende vom 15. zum 16. Jahrhundert und sein Umkreis, Frankfurt am Main 2007 (Mainzer Studien zur neueren Geschichte 21). Hogendorn, Jan. S. / Johnson, Marion: The Shell Money of the Slave Trade, Cambridge 1986. Israel, Jonathan J.: Dutch Primacy in World Trade 1585–1740, Oxford 1989. Jeannin, Pierre: Les marchands au XVIe siècle, Paris 1957. Kalus, Maximilian: Pfeffer – Kupfer – Nachrichten: Kaufmannsnetzwerke und Handelsstrukturen im europäisch-asiatischen Handel am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts, Augsburg 2010 (Materialien zur Geschichte der Fugger 6). Kellenbenz, Hermann: Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 2 vols., Munich 1977–1981. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Dreimal Lateinamerika, Munich 1990. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Die Fugger in Spanien und Portugal bis 1560: Ein Großunternehmen des 16. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols., Munich 1990. Kellenbenz, Hermann (ed.): Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, Stuttgart 1986, vol. 3: Europäische Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Handelsgeschichte, in: Willi Albers et al. (eds.): Handwörterbuch der Wirtschaftswissenschaft, 1981, vol. 3, pp. 762–784. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Der Merkantilismus und die soziale Mobilität in Europa, Wiesbaden 1965. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Neues zum oberdeutschen Ostindienhandel, insbesondere der Herwart in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, in: Forschungen zur schwäbischen Geschichte, Sigmaringen 1991 (Veröffentlichungen der Schwäbischen Forschungsgemeinschaft Reihe 7, Augsburger Beiträge zur Landesgeschichte Bayerisch-Schwabens 4), pp. 81–96. Kellenbenz, Hermann: The Rise of the European Economy: An Economic History of Continental Europe from the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century, London 1976. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Die Wiege der Moderne: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Europas 1350–1650, Stuttgart 1991. Kellenbenz, Hermann / Walter, Rolf (eds.): Oberdeutsche Kaufleute in Sevilla und Cádiz (1525–1560): Eine Edition von Notariatsakten aus den dortigen Archiven, Stuttgart 2001 (Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit XXI). Kenwood, Albert George / Lougheed, Alan Leslie: The Growth of the International Economy, London et al. 1992. Kindleberger, Charles P.: Economic Response: Comparative Studies in Trade, Finance and Growth, Cambridge, MA et al. 1978. Klein, Herbert S.: The Atlantic Slave Trade, Cambridge 1999 (New Approaches to the Americas 3). Knabe, Wolfgang: Auf den Spuren der ersten deutschen Kaufleute in Indien: Forschungsexpedition mit der Mercator entlang der Westküste und zu den Aminen, Anhausen 1993. Kraus, Michael / Ottomeyer, Hans: Novos Mundos – Neue Welten: Portugal und das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, Berlin 2007 (Ausstellungskatalog des Deutschen Historischen Museums Berlin). Kriedte, Peter: Spätfeudalismus und Handelskapital: Grundlinien der europäischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte vom 16. bis zu Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts, Göttingen 1980. Krieger, Martin: Kaufleute, Seeräuber und Diplomaten: Der dänische Handel auf dem Indischen Ozean (1620–1868), Cologne et al. 1998 (Wirtschafts- und Sozialhistorische Studien 8). Kutz, Martin: Deutschlands Außenhandel von der Französischen Revolution bis zur Gründung des Zollvereins, Wiesbaden 1974 (Beihefte der Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 61). Landes, David S.: Der entfesselte Prometheus: Technologischer Wandel und industrielle Entwicklung in Westeuropa von 1750 bis zur Gegenwart, Cologne 1973. Landes, David S.: Wohlstand und Armut der Nationen: Warum die einen reich und die anderen arm sind, Berlin 1999. Lopez, Roberto S.: The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages 950–1350, Cambridge 1976. Maddalena, Aldo de: La ricchezza dell'Europa: Indagini sull'antico regime e sulla modernità, Milan 1992. Maddison, Angus: The World Economy: A Millenial Perspective, Paris 2001. Martin, John / Romano, Dennis (eds.): Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State 1297–1797, Baltimore, MD et al. 2000. Maué, Hermann (ed.): Quasi Centrum Europae, Nuremberg 2002 (Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums 2002), pp. 74–85. Melis, Federigo: Il commercio transatlantico di una compagnia fiorentina stabilita a Siviglia a pochi anni dale imprese di Cortés e Pizarro, in: Estudios del V Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón (Zaragoza 1952), Saragossa 1954, vol. III, pp. 131–206. Mitterauer, Michael: Warum Europa? Mittelalterliche Grundlagen eines Sonderwegs, Munich 2003. Mitchell, Brian R.: International Historical Statistics: Europe: 1750–1993, 4th edition, New York, NY 1998. Nagel, Jürgen G.: Abenteuer Fernhandel: Die Ostindienkompanien, Darmstadt 2007. North, Douglass C.: Ocean Freight Rates and Economic Development 1750–1913, in: Journal of Economic History 18, 1958, pp. 537–555. North, Douglass C.: Structure and Change in Economic History, New York, NY 1981. North, Douglass C.: Theorie des institutionellen Wandels: Eine neue Sicht der Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Tübingen 1988. North, Michael: Das Goldene Zeitalter: Kunst und Kommerz in der niederländischen Malerei des 17. Jahrhunderts, 2nd edition, Cologne et al. 2001. North, Michael (ed.): Nordwesteuropa in der Weltwirtschaft, Stuttgart 1993 (Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 54). Osterhammel, Jürgen / Petersson, Niels P.: Geschichte der Globalisierung: Dimensionen, Prozesse, Epochen, Munich 2003. Otte, Enrique: Von Bankiers und Kaufleuten, Räten, Reedern und Piraten, Hintermännern und Strohmännern, Stuttgart 2004 (Studien zur modernen Geschichte 58). Pamuk, Sevket: The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, Trade, Investment and Production, Cambridge 1997. Pieper, Renate: Die Preisrevolution in Spanien (1500–1640), Stuttgart 1985. Pieper, Renate / Schmidt, Peer (eds.): Latin America and the Atlantic World: Essays in Honor of Horst Pietschmann, Cologne at al. 2005 (Lateinamerikanische Forschungen 33). Pinder, John: Europa in der Weltwirtschaft 1920–1970, in: Carlo Maria Cipolla / Knut Borchardt: Europäische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. 5: Die europäischen Volkswirtschaften im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert, Stuttgart et al. 1986, pp. 377–411. Rapp, Richard T.: The Unmaking of the Mediterranean Trade Hegemony: International Trade Rivalry and the Commercial Revolution, in: Journal of Economic History 35 (1975), pp. 499–525. Reichert, Folker E.: Begegnungen mit China: Die Entdeckung Ostasiens im Mittelalter, Sigmaringen 1992. Reichert, Folker E.: Erfahrung der Welt: Reisen und Kulturbegegnung im späten Mittelalter, Stuttgart 2001. Reinhard, Wolfgang: Geschichte der europäischen Expansion, 4 vols., Stuttgart et al. 1983–1990. Reininghaus, Wilfried (ed.): Wanderhandel in Europa: Beiträge zur wissenschaftlichen Tagung in Ibbenbüren, Mettingen, Recke und Hopsten vom 9.–11. Oktober 1992, Hagen 1993. Roover, Raymond de: Business, Banking and Economic Thought in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europa: Selected Studies of Raymond de Roover, ed. by Julius Kirshner, Chicago, IL 1974. Rostow, Walt Whitman: The World Economy: History & Prospect, Basingstoke et al. 1978. Scammell, Geoffrey V.: The World Encompassed: The First European Maritime Empires c. 800–1650, London et al. 1981. Schnurmann, Claudia: Europa trifft Amerika: Atlantische Wirtschaft in der Frühen Neuzeit 1492–1783, Frankfurt am Main 1998. Schnurmann, Claudia: Atlantische Welten: Engländer und Niederländer im amerikanisch-atlantischen Raum 1648–1713, Cologne et al. 1998. Teixeira da Mota, Avelino: Der portugiesische Seehandel in Westafrika im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert und seine Bedeutung für die Entwicklung des überregionalen Handelsverkehrs, Cologne 1969. Tracy, James D. (ed.): The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, Cambridge et al. 1990. Van der Wee, Herman: Structural Changes in European Long-Distance Trade and Particularly in the Re-Export Trade from South to North 1350–1750, in: James D. Tracy (ed.): The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, Cambridge et al. 1990, pp. 14–33. Van der Wee, Herman: The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy, 3 vols., Louvain 1963. Van der Wee, Herman / Aerts, Erik: De economische ontwikkeling van Europa: 950–1950, 10th edition, Louvain 1994. Verlinden, Charles: Atlantischer Raum und Indische-Ozean-Zone in kolonialgeschichtlicher Perspektive, Nuremberg 1982 (Vorträge zur Wirtschafts- und Überseegeschichte 10). Wallerstein, Immanuel: The Modern World System, vol. 1: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century, New York, NY 1974; vol. 2: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy 1600–1750, New York, NY et al. 1980; vol. 3: The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World Economy 1730–1840, San Diego, CA 1988. Walter, Rolf: Commerz, Contrebande und Continentalsystem: Die Wirtschaft Südwestdeutschlands in napoleonischer Zeit, in: Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart (ed.): Baden und Württemberg im Zeitalter Napoleons, Stuttgart 1987, vol. 2: Aufsätze. Walter, Rolf: Einführung in die Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, Cologne et al. 2008. Walter, Rolf: Einleitung: Oberdeutsche Kaufleute und Genuesen in Sevilla und Cádiz (1525–1560), in: Hermann Kellenbenz / Rolf Walter (eds.): Oberdeutsche Kaufleute in Sevilla und Cádiz (1525–1560): Eine Edition von Notariatsakten aus den dortigen Archiven, Stuttgart 2001 (Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit XXI). pp. 11–64. Walter, Rolf: Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft: Eine Einführung, Cologne et al. 2006. Walter, Rolf (ed.): Globalisierung in der Geschichte, Stuttgart 2011 (VSWG-Beihefte 214). Walter, Rolf: Die Welser und ihre Partner im 'World Wide Web' der Frühen Neuzeit, in: Angelika Westermann / Stefanie von Welser (eds.): Neunhofer Dialog I: Einblicke in die Geschichte des Handelshauses Welser, St. Katharinen 2009, pp. 11–27. Walter, Rolf: Welthandel und Kapitalismus, in: Brockhaus Weltgeschichte, Leipzig et al. 1998, vol. 4: Wege in die Moderne (1650–1850), pp. 308–375. Walter, Rolf: Wirtschaftsgeschichte: Vom Merkantilismus bis zur Gegenwart, 5th edition, Cologne et al. 2011 Weber, Klaus: Deutsche Kaufleute im Atlantikhandel 1680–1830: Unternehmen und Familien in Hamburg, Cádiz und Bordeaux, Munich 2004. Weindl, Andrea: Wer kleidet die Welt? Globale Märkte und merkantile Kräfte in der europäischen Politik der Frühen Neuzeit, Mainz 2007 (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung für Universalgeschichte 211). Wiesflecker, Hermann: Neue Beiträge zu Balthasar Sprengers Meerfahrt nach "Groß-India", in: Klaus Brandstätter / Julia Hörmann (eds.): Tirol – Österreich – Italien: Festschrift für Josef Riedmann zum 65. Geburtstag, Innsbruck 2005 (Schlern-Schriften 330), pp. 647–660. Woodruff, William: Impact of Western Man: A Study of Europe's Role in the World Economy 1750–1960, London et al. 1966 World Trade Organization (ed.): International Trade Statistics, Geneva 2011, online: wto/statistics [26/03/2012]. Yates, P. Lamartine: Forty Years of Foreign Trade, London 1959. Zorn, Wolfgang: Verdichtung und Beschleunigung des Verkehrs als Beitrag zur Entwicklung der "modernen Welt", in: Reinhart Koselleck (ed.): Studien zum Beginn der modernen Welt, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 115–137. ^ Glamann, Der europäische Handel 1983, pp. 271–333, here: 271. ^ Walter, Globalisierung 2011, pp. 7ff.; also contains the term "proto-globalization". ^ Kellenbenz, Handbuch Europäische Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 1986, vol. 3. ^ Cameron, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 1992, vol. 2, pp. 15ff., 181ff. ^ See the following works: Melis, Il comercio transatlantico 1954; de Maddalena, La ricchezza dell'Europa 1992; de Roover, Business 1974 und Cassandro, L'irradiazione economica fiorentina 1995. ^ See: Lopez, The Commercial Revolution 1976; Rapp, Unmaking 1975. ^ Blockmans, Macht 1998, p. 37. ^ Behringer, Fugger und Taxis 1986, pp. 242f. ^ Fremdling, Technologischer Wandel 1986, passim. ^ Burk, Money and Power 1992, p. 359. ^ Pinder, Europa in der Weltwirtschaft 1986, pp. 377f., 382. ^ ibid., p. 386. ^ Walter, Globalisierung 2011, p. 9. ^ Reichert, Begegnungen 1992. ^ Diwald, Weltmeere 1980, pp. 269 ff. and passim; Scammell, The World Encompassed 1981. ^ Van der Wee / Aerts, De economische ontwikkeling van Europa 1994, pp. 167f. ^ Braudel, Civilisation matérielle, vol. 2, 1986. ^ Mieck, Handbuch EWSG, vol. 4, 1993; Bayly, Birth 2004; Walter, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2011, pp. 74ff. ^ Walter, Commerz 1987, pp. 193–218, here: 195f. ^ Kutz, Außenhandel 1974, passim. ^ Von Borries, Außenhandel 1970, pp. 82ff. and passim. ^ See: Gerschenkron, Backwardness 1968. ^ See: Fremdling, Wirtschaftswachstum 1985; Grabas, Konjunktur 1992. ^ See: Fremdling / O'Brian 1983. ^ Fäßler, Globalisierung 2007, p. 97. ^ Walter, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2011, p. 262. ^ Europäische Union, Trade 2012. ^ WTO, International Trade Statistics 2011. ^ Kraus / Ottomeyer, Novos mundos 2007. ^ Verlinden, Atlantischer Raum und Indische-Ozean-Zone 1982. ^ Ankenbauer, "das ich mochte meer newer dyng erfaren" 2010, pp. 80ff. ^ Teixeira da Mota, Der portugiesische Seehandel 1969, pp. 7ff.; Hogendorn / Johnson, The Shell Money 1986. ^ Wallerstein, The Modern World System, vol. 1–3, 1974–1988, passim. ^ Martin / Romano, Venice Reconsidered 2000. ^ Van der Wee, Structural changes 1990, pp. 14–33. ^ Reichert, Erfahrung der Welt 2001, pp. 165ff., 203ff. and passim; idem, Begegnungen 1992, pp. 287–293. ^ Wiesflecker, Neue Beiträge 2005, pp. 647ff.; Kalus, Pfeffer 2010. ^ Nagel, Abenteuer Fernhandel 2007 (see the informative maps on pp. 33, 73, 103); Krieger, Kaufleute, Seeräuber und Diplomaten 1998. ^ Israel, Dutch Primacy 1989; North, Das Goldene Zeitalter 2001, pp. 19ff. and passim. ^ Kellenbenz, Ostindienhandel 1991; Walter, Oberdeutsche 2001, p. 42 and passim; Kalus, Pfeffer 2010, pp. 74, 106 and passim. ^ Cameron, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 1992, vol. 2, pp. 108f. ^ Walter, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 2006, pp. 103ff. ^ Pieper, Preisrevolution 1985, passim; Hamilton, American Treasure 1934. ^ Kellenbenz, Dreimal Lateinamerika 1990, p. 190. ^ Ewald, Pflanzen Iberoamerikas 1995, pp. 48ff. ^ Crosby, Columbian Exchange 1972, passim. ^ See: Degn, Die Schimmelmanns 2000; Klein, The Atlantic Slave Trade 1999. ^ Maddison, The World Economy 2001, p. 261, Table B-18. Dieser Text ist lizensiert unter This text is licensed under : CC by-nc-nd 3.0 Germany - Attribution, Noncommercial, No Derivative Works. Übersetzt von: Translated by: Niall Williams. Fachherausgeber: Editor: Toni Pierenkemper. Redaktion: Copy Editor: Christina Müller. Zitierempfehlung Citation. by Rolf Walter Walter, Rolf : Economic Relations Between Europe and the World: Dependence and Interdependence , in: Europäische Geschichte Online (EGO), hg. vom Leibniz- Institut für Europäische Geschichte (IEG), Mainz European History Online (EGO), published by the Leibniz Institute of European History (IEG), Mainz 2012-05-31 . URL: ieg-ego.eu/ walterr-2012 - en URN: urn:nbn:de:0159-2012053126 [JJJJ-MM-TT] [YYYY-MM-DD] . Bitte setzen Sie beim Zitieren dieses Beitrages hinter der URL-Angabe in Klammern das Datum Ihres letzten Besuchs dieser Online-Adresse ein. Beim Zitieren einer bestimmten Passage aus dem Beitrag bitte zusätzlich die Nummer des Textabschnitts angeben, z.B. 2 oder 1-4. When quoting this article please add the date of your last retrieval in brackets after the url. When quoting a certain passage from the article please also insert the corresponding number(s), for example 2 or 1-4. The Turning Point in Asia: Early Modern European and Asian Empires (1500-1800) “The discovery of America, and that of the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, are the two greatest events recorded in the history of [human] kind”. —Adam Smith, in The Wealth of Nations (Marks 5) As shown earlier, Europe was, at the start of the early modern era, still an insignificant backwater on the unenviable periphery of the lucrative Asian trade. After 1492, however, Europe found itself at the geographical center of the world, increasingly able to use its unrivaled sea power to exploit the riches of both the Americas and Asia. In this section, we’ll learn about a paradox. The powerful empires in Asia were surely economically dominant throughout the early modern era, but, at the same time, they were gradually declining in ways that were initially hidden from view. Meanwhile, upstart empires from The West started the 19th century poised to dominate the world. India and China were the most important Asian empires in the early modern era, and they shared many similarities. Both ruling dynasties claimed a distant relation to Genghis Khan and the collapsed Mongol empire. In each empire, hereditary emperors ruled over multi-ethnic and multi-religious states. As the result of conquest, ethnic minorities ruled both the Qing dynasty in China and the Mughal Empire in India. The ruling Mughals were Muslims, of Turkic descent, influenced by Persian culture, who ruled over a Hindu majority in India. And the Qing were Manchu rather than the majority ethnic Han Chinese. As a result, rulers from both empires worried about revolts and defense of the homeland from outside. The governments of early modern India and China traditionally focused their attention on the enormous wealth gained from their inland agricultural empires rather than the emerging trade taking place on their shorelines. They depended on peasants and the expansion of territory inland. And they had lots of both. Both empires relied heavily, for their wealth and stability, on taxes derived from agriculture. They both benefitted from thriving manufacturing sectors—Indian cotton and indigo, and Chinese silk and porcelain. But rulers paid little attention to and had minimal control over the new and rising merchant classes as the global economy brought more trade and wealth from the oceans. And for both, their lack of imperial sea power contributed eventually to their downfall. When European ships armed with the latest cannons sailed into the Indian Ocean in the 16th century they found it unguarded. These Asian empires failed to attend to the rising sea trade because they already enjoyed great economic and political success. Things were going quite well for them. So, Chinese and Indian empires paid little attention to the annoying European ships that began showing up at their shores in small numbers in the 16th century. China was the dominant economic power and commanded a trade surplus with the rest of the world. Chinese agriculture was more efficient than European methods because the Chinese excelled in irrigation technology. China had superior transportation projects; they made excellent use of canals on a scale much larger than in Europe. For example, China’s Grand Canal connected cities along a 1000-mile north-to-south route, facilitating domestic trade and travel. Despite many requests from European sovereigns over the years, emperors saw little need to alter their successful economic system or engage in trade with the Europeans. As late as 1793, after repeated inquiries, the Chinese emperor Ch’ien-lung (Qianlong) famously rejected King George of England’s request for trade: “As your ambassador can see for himself, we possess all things. I set no value on objects strange or ingenious, and we have no use for your country’s manufactures . . . There [is] therefore no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians in exchange for our own produce” (Frank 273). But, China’s lack of interest in sea trade in particular allowed Europeans to take advantage of an easy source of wealth. It’s how Europeans put their foot in the door. With the benefit of historical hindsight we can see how the Europeans could make inroads into the powerful empires of early modern Asia. The largest empire in South Asia, like China, neglected the thriving trade occurring at her shores. The capital of the Mughal Empire (1526-1858) was at Delhi, far north and inland from the seashores where the Europeans made their first contacts, set up trading posts, and eventually constructed defensive walls. Amazingly, the Mughal Empire, grand as it was, had no navy. As a result, Europeans merchants quickly and easily dominated trade in the Indian Ocean making huge profits by shuttling products between South Asia, Southeast Asia, and China. Mughal India began its slow decline in the 18th century. The empire gradually lost political authority and economic wealth by granting large landowners on the periphery of its empire the power to collect taxes and rule local populations. The Mughal rulers also struggled to put down revolts from within from various ethnic and regional groups and they never quite conquered all of what is today India. Throughout the early modern era, India dominated the world cotton textile market. But their cotton growers could not compete against slave labor in the Americas. And the ban on Indian cotton in Western Europe further weakened the cotton trade. Finally, Great Britain took over the great cotton-manufacturing region of Bengal in the late 18th century and ruined it with high taxation (We’ll learn much more about how this happened in the next section). Although it had been unthinkable a century earlier, by 1816, India, the center of the cotton textile trade for centuries, became a net importer of textiles (Frank 314). European dominance in other products, such as silver plundered from the Americas, greatly contributed to the slow-burn decline of Asian empires, especially China. In 1581, the Chinese had fixed their currency to silver because paper money proved too unstable. The government decided that all citizens had to pay taxes in silver (“Silver”). This policy provided stability but created another problem: China had little silver of its own. So the Chinese had to trade for it. This had far-reaching consequences because Spain had discovered huge amounts of precious metals in Peru and Mexico in this same era. As a result, world silver stock increased from 35,000 tons in 1500 to 168,000 tons in 1800 (Frank 144). Amazingly, however, due to trade, three-quarters of all the silver from the Americas eventually ended up in China, where it piled up in government coffers (Marks 80). Silver was relatively cheap in the Americas and in Europe because there was so much of it. But, in Asia, where they had little of their own supply, silver was valued much higher, and so Europeans could buy products in China at an extremely cheap rate. In this way, Europe used plundered silver from the Americas to buy their way into the most important global market, on the most favorable terms. As Asian empires slowly declined in wealth and power in the early modern era, European countries competed, strengthened, and expanded. Technological advances led the way. The advent of cannons and firearms quickened the centralization of state governments in Europe. Improved iron-working technology created cheaper iron cannons. Although China used wood-fired metallurgical technology that was superior to that of Europe in the early modern era, China lacked coal and iron deposits close enough to industrial centers to take advantage of the technology (Frank 202). Only large governments could afford to invest in large cannons, while personal firearms, such as muskets, made it possible to maintain a peasant army. Competition among gunpowder kingdoms in Europe—France, The Ottoman Empire, Spain, and Holland—led to wars. The winners grew larger and more powerful with standing armies, navies, heavy taxation, national banks, and national debt. Representative assemblies also arose, giving voice to rising merchant classes that demanded the state adopt a foreign policy geared toward trade—such as blocking imports of Asian textiles. Shipbuilding steadily improved. The early modern ship, the caravel, could travel fast and against the wind. In 1545, European navies mounted cannons on the broadsides of their ships for the first time (Getz 27). Europe soon dominated the seas. The naval gap between Europe and the rest of Asia increasingly widened during the 16th and 17th centuries. In the East, European empires, often through private or semi-private companies, dominated trade. We’ll see a clear example of this European ascension when we study British imperialism in India in the next section. Early Modern Empires (1500-1800) Introdução. After 1500, world regions—such as West Africa, East Asia, and South America—fused together into one global trade system. For the first time in history, each region of the world now interacted with the others. For example, enslaved African labor was used in South American plantations to sell cheap sugar to Europe. Silver from Mexico bought loans for Spain, and that same silver ended up in China to buy silk or porcelain for Europeans. E assim por diante. A new global system emerged, forged of uneven relationships, in which a small part of the world, Europe, successfully exploited the world’s human and natural resources to its advantage. This was Globalization 1.0. Historians disagree on exactly when European empires began to “rise” and Asian empires began to “fall.” But most see it happening gradually over centuries of the early modern era. Just Before the Turning Point: 15 th Century World Empires. In the shadow of the 21st century wealth and influence of The West, we often forget that in the 15th century, powerful non-European empires thrived. In the Americas, for example, the Aztecs ruled over a vast and diverse population of over 25 million people and controlled an area of 200,000 square miles (Getz 63). The Inca in South America controlled an empire that stretched 2500 miles. The empire of Mali controlled much of West Africa. Across the deserts of North Africa, caravans of up to 25,000 camels traded enslaved Africans and gold for Indian textiles (Marks 55). No European nation at the time surpassed these empires’ wealth and territory. In the 15th century, empires outside Europe—in China, Mexico, and the Middle East—were also far more urbanized than Europe. Ninety-nine percent of humans throughout the world lived in rural areas, so urban living was unusual. But dense cities were a clear indication of an empire’s power, wealth, technology, industry and potential for trade. And Europe lagged behind. Both Istanbul and Beijing, for example, had populations of around 700,000 in 1500, whereas only 125,000 lived in Paris (Frank 12). Tenochtitlan, the capital city of the Aztec Empire in central Mexico, had a population of over 250,000 people, while fewer than 100,000 lived in London (Marks 74). China had the most impressive cities of all—nine out of the ten largest cities in the world were found there (26). In 1492, few would have looked at the cities of the world and believed that Europe would come to dominate global trade centuries later. Europe was not even dominant on its own doorstep. The Ottoman Empire continued to expand its imperial rule in the early modern era, at Europe’s expense. The vast and diverse empire controlled much of southeastern Europe, almost all of the Middle East, and the strategically important nation of Egypt (gateway to the main trade route from Europe to the Indian Ocean). The Ottoman Sultan succeeded in uniting much of the ethnically diverse Islamic world behind him by claiming the religious authority of the caliph, which designated him an heir to the prophet Mohammed. The Ottomans used the latest in military technology, enormous cannons, to decisively defeat the Europeans at the battle of Constantinople in 1453. This enormous loss of the last Christian stronghold at the doorstep of the Middle East would later lead Europeans to seek a sea route to Asia to open up the profitable spice trade. Without question, China was the most dominant country in the world in the 15th century. A dramatic example of China’s prowess at the time can be seen in the amazing voyages of the Chinese admiral Zeng He , between 1405 and 1433. His Muslim faith and prestigious position in government reminds us of the ethnic and religious diversity of the vast Chinese empire. He led fleets of Chinese boats across the Indian Ocean to trade in India, Southeast Asia, Arabia, and East Africa. These were, by far, the largest fleets in the history of the world and would not be surpassed in size and number for many centuries. Between 1404 and 1407 alone, the Chinese built 1,681 ships requiring wood from as far away as 1000 miles. The largest ship was 400 feet long and 160 feet wide, bigger than a football field (Marks 48-49). (In Europe, by contrast, the intimidating Spanish Armada, the largest navy in the world in 1588—almost two centuries later—included only 132 much smaller ships (Frank 197)). The Chinese seemed poised to control the trade and treasure of the entire Indian Ocean. At the time, only Zeng He’s ships had the sailing technology to sail around southern Africa towards West Africa and on to Europe. Alas for China, the emperor in favor of these expensive, exploratory, and impressive voyages died in 1435. The new emperor turned China’s resources and policies inward to focus on the Mongols invading from the north and to manage the rest of his vast agrarian land empire. So no more Chinese fleets sailed the Indian Ocean. How might the history of the world differed if these voyages had continued on to Europe and even the Americas? Less dramatically, but more importantly, Asia was the center of global trade in the early modern era, prompting Europeans to expend considerable time and energy to find a route to Asia. Europeans wanted to trade for Chinese silk and porcelain, Indian cotton textiles and indigo, and the spices of Southeast Asia (such as cinnamon, nutmeg, cloves, and pepper). Asian silk, cotton, and porcelain were the highest quality mass-produced items in the world. Spices, for example, were only grown in the islands of Southeast Asia, and some were helpful for preserving meat in a world without refrigeration, while others were luxurious delicacies. These were the “must have” consumer products in Europe, much like smart phones, computers, and cars today. All of these products had to travel to Europe via difficult and long land routes across the Middle East or southern Asia. This made the items extremely expensive in Europe, especially since the Europeans had nothing to trade that the Asians wanted. Even though 15th century China was much more powerful than Europe, the average European had much in common with his or her Asian counterpart. Europe, South Asia, and China accounted for about 70 percent of the world’s population (Marks 25). People in these three regions lived similarly rural lives and had about the same material existence. All had life expectancies of between thirty and forty years of age (30). In Europe, South Asia, and China, peasants gave up much of their crop yield to landlords and their respective governments. All three regions took part in a global trade that spread thousands of miles across Europe, the Middle East, East Africa, South Asia, and East Asia. Also, the entirety of Eurasia was still recovering from plagues that had swept through the continent over the last century and depopulated cities and regions. And all three regions had access to new military technology such as gunpowder and cannons. Although 15th century Asian empires had the clear lead in trade, manufacturing, productivity, market size, and overall wealth, Europeans at the time planted the seeds for their ascendency with incremental but highly significant innovations in military and sailing technology. In Europe, new military technologies eventually tipped the balance of power in favor of larger and expanding states that could afford to develop the latest war inventions and maintain standing armies. Europeans improved on Mongol cannons by making them with strong cast iron. The small kingdoms and nations of Europe were in almost constant war with each other. This pugilism became a long-term advantage of sorts because the bloody competition between many states pressured Europeans to improve on their military technology. China, on the other hand, was one large empire with one government that did not feel the constant pressure to improve military technology. Thus, trade in the Indian Ocean was peaceful; merchant ships sailed unarmed across thousands of miles. Conversely, Europeans were so accustomed to combat: that when they first sailed into the Indian Ocean, the broadsides of their ships were armed with cannons. Europeans came ready for battle. Similarly, while most Asian empires focused on their vast, rich inland empires and neglected their navies, Europeans began to excel in sailing and navigational technology. By the 15th century, the compass, the full-rigged ship, and the quadrant allowed Europeans to sail across the open ocean. As a result, in the 1400s, the Portuguese kept pressing south down the coast of Africa with small but armed caravels. And, by the late 15th century, it seemed just a matter of time before a bold European would throw his fate to the winds and set off into the open seas of the Atlantic Ocean.

Early modern global trade system

No other era is as easy to summarize as the EARLY MODERN (1450-1750) era. This is the era the Europeans "wake-up", expand, and build empires. I'm not talking about Charlemagne here. I'm talking about the British Empire. I'm talking about the Dutch East India Trading Company. I'm talking about the Spanish Empire. This is a new Europe. This isn't Marco Polo. These Europeans will come to your land and stay there. They will take over most of the world in this era (if not, in the next). Beyond the Maritime empires (and the effect of their establishment), many huge land empires emerged (most notably the Islamic Mughal and Ottoman Empires. Of course, China is important. It always is. So, here is the Early Modern Period. The above map was created using the geographic references from this era in the AP World History curriculum. Every geographic reference for this unit appears on this map. The interconnection of the Eastern and Western hemispheres made possible by transoceanic voyaging marked a key transformation of this period. Technological innovations helped to make transoceanic connections possible. Changing patterns of long-distance trade included the global circulation of some commodities and the formation of new regional markets and financial centers. Increased trans-regional and global trade networks facilitated the spread of religion and other elements of culture as well as the migration of large numbers of people. Germs carried to the Americas ravaged the indigenous peoples, while the global exchange of crops and animals altered agriculture, diets, and populations around the planet. I. Existing regional patterns of trade intensified in the context of the new global circulation of goods. A. The intensification of trade brought prosperity and economic disruption to the mercnahts and goverenments in the trading region of the Indian OCean, Mediterranean, the Sahara, and overland Eurasia. II. European technological developments in cartography and navigation built on previous knowledge developed in the Classical, Islamic, and Asian worlds. A. The developments included the production of new tools, innovations in ship designs, and an improved understanding of global wind and current patterns--all of which made transoceanic travel and trade possible. IV. The new global circulation of goods was facilitated by royal chartered European monopoly companies and the flow of silver from the Spanish colonies in the Amerias to purchase Asian goods for the Atlantic markets. Regional markets continued to flourish in Afro-Eurasia by using established commercial practices and new transoceanic shipping services developed by European Merchants. A. European merchants’ role in Asian trade was characterized mostly by transporting goods from one Asian country to another market in Asia or the Indian Ocean region. B. Commercialization and the creation of a global economy were intimately connected to new global circulation of silver from the Americas. (SEE CRASH COURSE BELOW) (John Green explores how Spain went from being a middling European power to one of the most powerful empires on Earth, thanks to their plunder ((silver)) of the New World in the 16th and 17th centuries.) C. Mercantilist policies and practices were used by European rulers to expand and control their economies and claim overseas territories, and joint-stock companies, influenced by these mercantilist principles, were used by rulers and merchants to finance exploration and compete against one another in global trade. V. The new connections between the Eastern and Western hemispheres resulted in the Columbian Exchange. A. European colonization of the Americas led to the spread of diseases— including smallpox, measles, and influenza — that were endemic in the Eastern Hemisphere among Amerindian populations and the unintentional transfer of disease vectors, including mosquitoes and rats. B. American foods (potatoes, maize, manioc) became staple crops in various parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa. Cash crops (sugar, tobacco) were grown primarily on plantations with coerced labor and were exported mostly to Europe and the Middle East in this period. C. Afro-Eurasian fruit trees, grains, sugar, and domesticated animals (horses, cattle, pigs) were brought by Europeans to the Americas, while other foods were brought by African slaves ( okra, rice ) E. European colonization and the introduction of European agriculture and settlements practices in the Americas often affected the physical environment through deforestation and soil depletion. VI. The increase in interactions between newly connected hemispheres and intensification of connections within hemispheres expanded the spread and reform of existing religions and contributed to both religious conflicts and the creation of syncretic belief systems and practices. VII. As merchants' profits increased and governments collected more taxes, funding for the visual and performing arts, even for popular audiences, increased along with an expansion of literacy and increased focus on innovation and scientific inquiry. (CLICK THIS LINK TO GO TO THE VIRGINIA SOL PAGE DEVOTED TO THE RENAISSANCE) Although the world’s productive systems continued to be heavily centered on agricultural production throughout this period, major changes occurred in agricultural labor, the systems and locations of manufacturing, gender and social structures, and environmental processes. A surge in agricultural productivity resulted from new methods in crop and field rotation and the introduction of new crops. Economic growth also depended on new forms of manufacturing and new commercial patterns, especially in long-distance trade. Political and economic centers within regions shifted, and merchants’ social status tended to rise in various states. Demographic growth — even in areas such as the Americas, where disease had ravaged the population — was restored by the eighteenth century and surged in many regions, especially with the introduction of American food crops throughout the Eastern Hemisphere. The Columbian Exchange led to new ways of humans interacting with their environments. New forms of coerced and semi-coerced labor emerged in Europe, Africa, and the Americas, and affected ethnic and racial classifications and gender roles. I. Beginning in the 14th Century, there was a decrease in mean temperatures, often referred to as the Little Ice Age, around the world that lasted until the 19th century, contributing to changes in agricultural practices and the contraction of settlement in parts of the Northern Hemisphere. II. Traditional peasant agriculture increased and changed, plantations expanded, and demand for labor increased. These changes both fed and responded to growing global demand for raw materials and finished products. B. Slavery in Africa continued both the traditional incorporation of mainly female slaves into households AND the export of slaves to the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean. C. The growth of the plantation economy increased the demand for slaves in the Americas. O comércio de escravos do Atlântico. D. Colonial economies in the Americas depended on a range of coerced labor. III. As new social and political elites changed, they also restructured new ethnic, racial, and gender hierarchies. A. Both imperial conquests and widening global economic opportunities contributed to the formation of new political and economic elites. B. The power of existing political and economic elites (Zamindars in the Mughal Empire, Nobility in Europe, Daimyo in Japan) fluctuated as they confronted new challenges to their ability to affect the policies of the increasingly powerful monarchs and leaders. C. Some notable gender and family restructuring (The dependence of European men on Southeast Asian women for conducting trade, smaller family size in Europe) occurred, including the demographic changes in Africa that resulted from the slave trades. Empires expanded and conquered new peoples around the world, but they often had difficulties incorporating culturally, ethnically, and religiously diverse subjects, and administrating widely dispersed territories. Agents of the European powers moved into existing trade networks around the world. In Africa and the greater Indian Ocean, nascent European empires consisted mainly of interconnected trading posts and enclaves. In the Americas, European empires moved more quickly to settlement and territorial control, responding to local demographic and commercial conditions. Moreover, the creation of European empires in the Americas quickly fostered a new Atlantic trade system that included the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Around the world, empires and states of varying sizes pursued strategies of centralization, including more efficient taxation systems that placed strains on peasant producers, sometimes prompting local rebellions. Rulers used public displays of art and architecture to legitimize state power. African states shared certain characteristics with larger Eurasian empires. Changes in African and global trading patterns strengthened some West and Central African states — especially on the coast; this led to the rise of new states and contributed to the decline of states on both the coast and in the interior. I. Rulers used a variety of methods to legitimize and consolidate their power. A. Rules continued to use religious ideas, art, and monumental architecture to legitimize their rule: B. Many states adopted practices to accommodate the different ethnic and religious diversity of their subjects or to utilize the economic, political and military contributions of different ethnic or religious groups. C. Recruitment and use of bureaucratic elites , as well as the development of military professionals, ( Ottoman devshirme, Chinese examination system, Salaried samarai ) became more common among rulers who wanted to maintain centralized control over their populations and resources. D. Rulers used tribute collection and tax farming to generate revenue for territorial expansion. II. Imperial expansion relied on the increased use of gunpowder, cannons, and armed trade to establish large empires in both hemispheres. A. Europeans established new trading-post empires in Africa and Asia, which proved profitable for the rulers and merchants involved in new global trade networks, but these empires also affected the power of the states in interior West and Central Africa. Although the AP doesn't specifically mention the Safavid or Tokugawa as Empires, they do show up at other points in the curriculum. The information that follows is not specifically mentioned by the College Board. However, it will make you a more culturally well-rounded person; assim. you're welcome. There is nothing more renaissance than Raphael's school of Athens. This is a painting of Classical era figures painted by an Italian during the Renaissance. It's almost redundant. Here's a key to who is who in this painting. The central figures are Plato and Aristotle. My favorite part? Raphael painted himself into the painting! Hes in the red robe in the upper right. This colorful building looks completely out of place in Moscow, Russia (not exactly Disneyland). Plus, this beautiful building was ordered to be built by a guy named Ivan the Terrible! So, the background may not be what you think. The most common question about this cathedral is, "Didn't they blind the dude that built this so that he could never recreate its beauty?" No one knows for sure but the architect kept designing and building for another 10 years. So, if they did blind him; they did a terrible job. Maybe the most famous building on earth not named the Pyramids. Built by Shah Jahan as a mausoleum for his wife,Mumtaz Mahal. Mumtaz Mahal died giving birth to her 14th child. It took over 21 years to complete and remains one of the true marvels of architecture on the planet. Castas (Castes) were paintings that were used in Latin America to delineate between the new groups of people that were being born when Europeans, Africans, and Americans intermarried. The whiter you were, the higher your class in society. Versailles was originally the hunting lodge for Louis XIII. It was located roughly 12 miles outside of Paris and served as an home away from home for the king. Louis XIV, the absolutist Absolute Monarch ever, decided to build an entire city around it. This was the home of the king for around 100 years until the French Revolution. Economic Relations Between Europe and the World: Dependence and Interdependence. Published Erschienen : 2012-05-31    This article sketches the beginnings and central trends in the development of economic ties between Europe and regions outside Europe from 1450 to 1950. The focus is on the increasing diversity and volume of goods exchanged, and the reciprocal enrichment of material cultures between the continents. In this way, the article creates a vivid picture of the emergence of the global market and the beginnings of global competition. It also seeks to identify the central driving forces behind the successive periods of intensification of trade and interaction from the late Middle Ages to the modern period. Finally, this study describes the increasing interconnection of the economic regions of the Orient and the Occident, as well as the interdependence of the two. Inhaltsverzeichnis Table of Contents. General Trends in Development. Trade played a more central role in the mercantilist period of European history from 1500 to 1750 – sometimes referred to as early capitalism or trade capitalism – than in almost any other period. 1 We must begin with the questions: When in human history did the first exchange of goods between Europe and the other four continents of Africa , Asia , America and Australia occur? Where are the origins of what one could describe as on-going exchange, as established economic relations to be found? These questions refer to an even larger global context because the global economic edifice changed fundamentally from "proto-globalization" to globalization. 2 This process was primarily determined by Europe from the 15th to the 20th century. From the 16th century to 1914, trade within Europe at all times constituted the most significant portion of global trade, and the volume of that trade grew disproportionately quickly during the early modern period and into the modern period. 3 National markets became increasingly interconnected, driven by numerous innovations in the areas of infrastructure, transportation, energy supply, and – not least – institutions (rules, constitutions, division of labour, currency standards, etc.). The transition from individual production to mass production and the convergence of prices of goods and materials made transactions considerably easier, thereby accelerating integration. Starting in the late Middle Ages at the latest and continuing at least into the 19th century, Europe dominated most developments in international trade. From the end of the 19th century, North America began to exert a stronger influence on the global economy. 4 Around the beginning of the 21st century, the Asian states – most notably China – gained influence and the USA became financially dependent on its East Asian creditors, while China seems to become the engine of growth of the current century. Europe Becomes Increasingly Central from the Late Middle Ages. In the early part of the last millennium, population movement and the cultivation of new territories increased as a result of the crusades and the eastward expansion of the German-speaking population. In 1500, there were five cities in Europe with populations greater than 100,000: Venice, Genoa , Naples , Milan , and – as the only example north of the Alps – Paris . The reasons why Europe was able to gain a significant economic advantage over the other continents during the course of the early modern period are complex in nature. Initially, land – as the most important resource – played a central role, prompting landlords to engage in territorial expansion to gain ownership of more land. Additionally, the distribution of land was an effective method of ensuring the loyalty of vassals. In the archaic societies of central and Eastern Europe , where low population density meant that migration and innovation rarely became necessary, this form of land ownership persisted for a long time, surviving into the 19th century in some cases. In relatively densely populated regions – particularly in Western Europe , where land enclosure became increasingly common –, goods and knowledge were frequently exchanged, often across borders. The leading states of the European continent usually showed themselves to be open to innovations. This applied both to technological and commercial innovations, the latter primarily originating in Italy . 5 The term "commercial revolution" is often used to describe this process. 6. An argument often advanced to explain the unique position of Europe among the continents is the cultural and economic heterogeneity of its states. Migration and communication were the real accelerating factors of European history. The specific mix of (Italian) city states, principalities, bishoprics, kingdoms, etc., and the concomitant intensification of interregional competition accelerated development towards modernity. The "permanent incongruence" of economic, political and cultural factors explains the competitive dynamic of the continent. The advanced system of education and the early institutionalization of centres of artisanal and early-industrial training and production also played their part. The liberalization of trade, craftsmanship and industrial labour, as well as the emergence of parliamentary democracy provided an essential basis for the generation of economic growth, which was accompanied from the 18th century by an impressive growth in population. The restless search for new knowledge which was a central feature of modern humanism and the enlightenment gave the Old Continent its unmistakeable appearance. During the period of the ancien régime , the Netherlands had the most efficient and the most comprehensive network of roads of all the countries of Western Europe. 7 From the late Middle Ages, increasing international trade made an international information and communications network necessary. As mediators between worlds, merchants often maintained their own courier services. For example, the Fuggers maintained a system of couriers between Augsburg and Venice in the 16th century. 8 Conurbations with intensive commercial activity subsequently emerged in and around Amsterdam , London and Paris, as well as in the Aachen - Lüttich and Ruhr regions . Per capita incomes and the standard of living rose much more quickly in these regions than elsewhere. However, the rapid industrialisation of Central, Western and Northern Europe required considerable resources. In the 19th century, coal replaced wood as the main source of energy. In the 20th century, oil largely replaced coal. Electricity, generated hydro-electrically, as well as coal, oil, nuclear energy and solar energy emerged as the most adaptable form of energy which was available almost everywhere. The transportation of this energy played an increasingly important role in international trade. 9. The "Oligopolization" of the Global Economy. In the period between the Industrial Revolution and the First World War, three powers were central in determining the rate of economic growth in Europe and Europe's relative importance in world events: Great Britain , Germany and France . In 1913, the last year in the first half of the 20th century which can be described as a "normal year", these three countries dominated large sections of the global economy. In this context, it is possible to speak of an "oligopolization" of the global economy, on which – along with the USA – these three states exerted the greatest influence. While these three countries contained less than half of the population of Europe, they accounted for approximately three quarters of Europe's industrial production and three quarters of all trade between Europe and the rest of the world. The high productivity levels of their economies were clearly reflected in the structure of their trade, i.e., in the exportation of industrial products and the importation of raw materials. As a result, these countries dominated the international flow of capital and direct foreign investment in the years before the First World War. In the absence of supranational economic institutions, Great Britain, which in London provided the central capital market of the world, in effect ensured that the global economy continued to function. 10 Besides, the Bank of England followed the principle of the gold standard in all money and capital markets of the world and Great Britain generally adhered to liberal political principles. However, it proved impossible to resurrect this system after the First World War. After the global catastrophe of the Great Depression, global trade volumes declined by 26% and European trade by 38%. 11 In the period between the Great Crash and the Second World War, national concepts replaced unified (foreign) economic and currency policies in Europe. In 1932, Britain forfeited its policy of free trade and gave precedence to the Commonwealth. Economic policy in the Third Reich followed Hjalmar Schacht's (1877–1970) Neuer Plan , with a series of discriminatory measures and a reorientation of foreign trade towards Eastern Europe and Latin America . France tried to improve matters by binding public and private capital together in so-called mixed companies in the key industries. 12. The Second World War not only blocked the circulation of goods and capital within Europe, but it brought an end to the global economy for decades by splitting Europe into an eastern and a western part. Italy, Austria , the Federal Republic of Germany , France and the other democratic states committed themselves to liberal, free market economics and social democracy, while Poland , Bulgaria , Romania , Czechoslovakia , Hungary and East Germany adopted the centrally planned economy model of the Soviet Union , until this system was brought to an end by the people through a peaceful revolution after 45 years. Even before this, the view had gained acceptance that the innovation-oriented system of free market economics was superior to the more static concept of central planning and dictatorial management, and there had been signs of the approaching dissolution of the latter. The reunified Germany and the "old" European axis powers were then able to agree new European economic, currency, and trade policies under the auspices of European supranational institutions such as the Council of Europe and the European Central Bank. Already in 1957, six western European states founded the European Economic Community (EEC). The establishment of a customs union in 1968 was a decisive step towards further integration. The European Union (EU), which had 12 members in 1986 and increased to 27 in 2011, developed into one of the strongest economic powers in the world beside the USA, Japan and China. With the European Central Bank and the Euro, the European Union established a uniform legal means of payment, which increasingly became a kind of reserve currency alongside the American dollar. Phases of Different Intensity and Concentration in Growth and Trade. The expansion of European overseas trade did not occur in a linear fashion. Qualitatively and quantitatively, the 12th and 13th centuries, and the 16th and early 17th centuries were periods of strong commercial growth. Conversely, the 14th and 15th centuries, the second half of the 17th century and the first half of the 18th century must be viewed as phases of weaker or stagnating economic growth. 13 The phases of pronounced expansion were usually accompanied by a strong increase in trade over land, primarily in a north-south direction (through the Champagne region in the Middle Ages, and through southern Germany in the second half of the 15th century and in the 16th century), but also in an east-west direction. In the 12th and 13th centuries, increasing sea-borne traffic in the Mediterranean provided a significant stimulus to transcontinental trade. Similarly, the phase of growth in transcontinental trade in the 16th century was accompanied by advances in Atlantic and intercontinental shipping. In the High Middle Ages, trade was also stimulated by the transportation of goods by caravan from regions in the Far East to Central Asia and finally to Eurasia . The southeastern European focal point of this trade was Venice, which – not coincidentally – was also the departure point of merchants such as the brothers Niccolò (1230–1300) and Maffeo Polo (1252–1309), and Niccolò's son Marco Polo (1254–1324)[ ]. 14 In the 16th century, expansion occurred along the coasts of Central and South America to the silver mines of Potosí (in present-day Bolivia ) and Zacatecas in Mexico , bringing Atlantic trade and European trade rich returns. While European trade over land grew very slowly or stagnated in the late Middle Ages, trade between the North Sea and the Baltic Sea (Hanse), and between the ports of the North Sea (particularly Bruges ) and the ports of northern and central Italy increased considerably. Growth was clearly driven by maritime expansion. Those who controlled the ocean had a position of hegemony in intercontinental mercantilist trade. 15 From the 17th century, the trade in goods with regions outside of Europe grew as a result of the emergence of Dutch and British colonial trade. However, this could not fully compensate for the decrease in trade over land during the periods of weakness. In general, trade and economic development now occurred primarily in the central ports and their surrounding regions along the coasts of the European mainland. 16 It is in this context that some speak of the "économie du pourtour", or the economy of the surrounding area, which refers to a particular economic region – for example, the Mediterranean – and its specific development. 17 In the two periods of weak European growth, growth in maritime trade in the overseas regions was not particularly spectacular either. On the contrary, during the great depression in the 14th and 15th centuries, the conquests of the Turks and, in particular, the Mongol Tatars deprived European trade of access to important markets in the Levant . During the second period of weak economic growth in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, European overseas trade did not begin to expand significantly again until after the Portuguese-Spanish colonial empire had been replaced by the Dutch-British empire. This involved a certain shift of geographical focus, but it was essentially based on simple trade and exchange at garrisons and coastal bases, as well as plantation agriculture, which bore characteristics of slash-and-burn economics. In other words, colonial expansion also remained an économie du pourtour . From the mid-18th century, both transcontinental and sea-borne trade experienced strong growth. The targeted expansion of European transportation and trade infrastructure, and the gradual acceptance of liberal economic thought, which replaced protectionist mercantilism, resulted in the dawn of a new period of economic development not only in Europe, but also overseas. The integration of the colonial interior, which was begun by Great Britain during the 18th century, assumed considerable importance in the early 19th century with the emergence of the idea of the frontier . Britain's "new colonial system" gradually transformed into a North American cotton-producing industry which accompanied and supported the emergence of early-industrial mechanization in Europe. 18 European Trade During Industrialization. During the period of classical national economics, Adam Smith's (1723–1790)[ ] magnum opus The Wealth of Nations of 1776 provided a theoretical justification of free trade. However, a series of political events and external shocks called into question the practicality of free trade. These included, for example, the continental blockade which occurred during the course of Napoleonic expansion, which crippled trade and commerce for years. 19 Even the subsequent period of the Restoration must be viewed more as a regression into protectionism than a liberalization of trade. 20 However, the introduction of the Code civil (1804) and the Code de Commerce (1807) in France and in the regions under French influence, such as the kingdom of Westphalia , provided a modern (economic) system, which included rational regulations and made trade easier. The introduction of the metric system, the dissolution of the guilds, and the introduction of a progressive agrarian order were the cornerstones of the reform, which was gradually transferred to other European countries after the Restoration. Early industrialization and the post-Restoration phase were thus accompanied by broader systemic measures, such as various forms of agrarian reform ("peasant emancipation", "enclosures", etc.), anti-protectionism (customs union, commercial liberalisation, trade treaties with mutual most-favoured-status, Cobden treaty, etc.) and fiscal and financial rationalization (regulations and standards in the areas of measures, coinage and weights, as well as currency and bank reforms, etc.). These brought about a lasting improvement in the terms of trade of the countries involved, 21 thereby providing a relatively well-ordered and secure economic basis for the formation of nation-states. However, Europe was very diverse economically, and there were pioneers (Britain, France, Switzerland , etc.) and latecomers, which included southern and eastern Europe and most of the German lands. 22 However, the latecomers were able to learn from the mistakes made by the pioneers and to adapt the innovative technologies of the latter. Consequently, Germany, for example, was able to catch up very quickly in the late 19th century and even became the world leader in certain segments of the global market (chemistry, optics, steel industry, machinery, electrical engineering, etc.) by the outbreak of the First World War. 23 Comparative research into productivity gives many indicators of how the economies of the European states developed differently and at different times. 24. European industrialization lead to a rapid increase in demand for agricultural and industrial raw materials as well as for other goods, and it made the provision of quicker, cheaper and more efficient means of transportation and communication necessary . Both internal European trade and trade between Europe and the rest of the world were considerably boosted by determinedly liberal trade policies, which were, however, increasingly called into question after 1914 and ultimately completely abandoned during the interwar years (to be reintroduced after the Second World War). Nevertheless, technological innovations, air transport, and the emergence of new means of communication (telex, electronic communication, etc.) resulted in the increasingly intensive integration of Europe and the world, although industrial development proceeded slowly, if at all, in the countries on the European periphery. For example, there were tendencies towards de-industrialization in the Balkans . 25. The First World War moved the axes of global trade. The international currency system disintegrated, and in 1914 countries such as Russia , Germany and France abandoned the convertibility of their currencies into gold. Since the most serious events of the war occurred on the European continent, they damaged structures of production and considerably harmed economic growth there. The high costs involved in converting factories from peacetime to war production, naval blockades, risk premiums, increasing inflation, and the rapidly rising cost of transactions due to the war damaged the European continent. As a result, the global economic order had undergone fundamental change to the advantage of America by 1918. Europe's portion of the world social product was declining. The interwar years were defined by crises like no other period. Even in many European countries, currency and financial systems disintegrated. In particular, Weimar Germany was hit by a series of crises and political setbacks, for example the assassination of politicians such as Matthias Erzberger (1875–1921) and Walther Rathenau (1867–1922)[ ], hyperinflation in 1923, and the global financial crisis in 1929, which plunged large parts of Europe into massive deflation with extremely high unemployment . France, Great Britain and southern and eastern Europe were also affected by the dire global financial climate, or were weakened by internal revolts. Protectionism blossomed in the interwar period, resulting in a kind of "de-Europeanization" of the global economy. The industrial nations outside Europe, particularly the USA, Canada and Japan, saw their portion of the global market increase, while the portion of global exports of the three big countries in Europe (France, Great Britain, Germany) decreased. The dominance of protectionism and state intervention resulted in a kind of splintering of the global economy into systems and preference zones which were isolated from one another to a greater or lesser degree. Interwar Germany accessed energy resources and raw materials in eastern and southeastern Europe to strengthen its industry, but it neglected its consumer goods industry. In general, the interwar period in Europe was characterized by economic and social disintegration, and the "European house" had to be rebuilt from its foundations after the Second World War. This involved decreasing the amount of money in circulation, establishing monetary order, and making the European countries fit to re-join the global market. Thanks in large part to the Marshall Plan (European Recovery Program), these goals were largely achieved and impressive export-led economic growth followed. The OEEC ( Organization for European Economic Cooperation ) provided an effective institutional basis for this process. As a result of the Schuman Plan and conciliation efforts on all levels, Germany, France, the Benelux states and Italy were able to establish a relatively stable basis for European integration. The cautious attempts to influence industrial development involved in the Coal and Steel Pact 26 ultimately led to the founding of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. In the following year, the European Parliament was established in Strasbourg with Robert Schuman (1886–1963)[ ] as its first president. The Treaties of Rome (25th of March, 1957), on which the EEC was based, constituted a first big step on the road to European political and economic integration. This not only provided a strong stimulus to "internal" integration, but also built an initial framework for external relations. With a 20% share of all global imports and exports, the European Union is the largest commercial power in the 21st century, 27 followed by the USA, China and Japan. In 2010, goods to the value of 15,238 billion US dollars were exported worldwide (in 2009, it was 12,522 billion dollars). This equates to a growth of approximately 21.7% from 2009. The main exporters were the People's Republic of China, the USA, Germany, Japan and the Netherlands. These five countries together accounted for 35.9% of worldwide goods exports. In 2010, China was at the top of the list of the world's strongest exporting nations for the second time, followed by the USA and Germany. 28. Europe and the African World. The discovery and conquest of Africa, America and East India in the late Middle Ages and the early modern period had long-lasting effects on the territories and regions involved. During the course of the 15th century, Portugal – centrally located at the connection between the two Atlantic zones – was able to conquer strategic locations along the west coast of Africa and in the African Atlantic region, though these bases suffered serious reversals between 1475 and 1480. 29 In the 1440s, the Portuguese expanded their trade in African slaves in the coastal region of the Rio de Oro, which they were now able to conduct without the assistance of Asian and African middlemen. These strongly fortified settlements, such as those on the west African island of Arguim and in the town of Elmina in present-day Ghana , were not only centres of the slave trade, but also served as bases for the trade in gold, malagueta pepper, ivory and other trade goods. Initially, it was Italian sailors and captains who, in the service of Portugal, explored the Atlantic islands off North Africa . 30 In 1312, Lanzarotto Malocello (ca. 1270–1336), who came from the region around Genoa, discovered the Canary Islands . Lanzarote was named after him. In the early 15th century, the Portuguese secured further towns and islands in the region, for example Ceuta in 1415, Madeira in 1418, the Azores in 1427 and Cape Bojador on the African mainland. Subsequently, further bases along the west coast of Africa were added, progressing from north to south: Cabo Branco in 1441, Cape Verde in 1444, and the mouth of River Gambia in 1446. In 1456, the Italian Alvise Cadamosto (1432–1488), who was in the service of Henry the Navigator (1394–1460), claimed the Cape Verde Islands for Portugal. 31 Sierra Leone was claimed in 1460, and Fort São Jorge da Mina was constructed two years later. Here, the Portuguese began to trade extensively, acquiring African gold in return for red and blue dyed cloth, head scarves, coral from Europe, brass armbands from Germany, and Portuguese white wine. In this trade as in the slave trade, yellow and red mussels from the Canaries were used as money. 32. In the early modern period, Africa became the preferred region of operation of the privileged trading companies. England, France, the Netherlands, Switzerland and a number of other European countries delivered manufactured goods made of glass, metal and textiles, as well as weapons and alcohol to Africa in exchange for slaves, provisions, gold, etc. This European-African trade was often just one leg of the so-called triangular trade between Europe, Africa and America. This system of trade remained dominant from the 17th to the early 19th century, at which point the increasingly pervasive ban on slave trading shifted the focus of trade in Africa. Most of the African states became dependent on European colonial powers who reduced them to the status of suppliers of raw materials and comprehensively exploited them. Similar to South America, monocultures emerged in Africa which were heavily dependent on the weather conditions and the harvest cycle. Water shortages, famines, low per capita incomes and low literacy levels remain the consequences of African "modernity" up to the present. In many African states, the economic dominance of Western states persists up to the present, often referred to as neo-colonialism in the literature. The continuing demand for raw materials on the global market could greatly improve growth and the balance of trade in the resource-rich states of Africa if the resulting export surpluses were invested in the respective countries and found their way into the pockets of consumers there. In general, large differences in per capita incomes exist between the individual African states. The economic reality of Africa is too complex to be described solely in terms of dependency theories or the world system approach. 33 Europe, the Orient and Asia. Leaving aside classical antiquity, territorial expansion from Europe towards Asia can be traced back to the period of the crusades, which lasted from the end of the 11th to the 13th century. Along the routes followed by the crusaders to southeastern Europe, across the Balkans and to the Levant, an impressive infrastructure emerged to meet the weaponry and provisioning needs of a few hundred thousand crusading knights and pilgrims bound for Jerusalem . Many of these provisioning stations were subsequently used by Italian and other European merchants for the transportation of goods to and from the Middle East and the Levant. Venice proved to be particularly well-placed geographically to benefit from this trade. It became the focal point for the exchange of goods and information between Asia and Europe, 34 and a "model" for the subsequent trade networks of the colonial powers of Portugal, the Netherlands and Britain. 35 The golden age of the lagoon city reached a climax after the conquest of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade (1199–1204). It is no coincidence that it was Venetian merchants like Niccolò, Maffeo and Marco Polo who helped to establish the trade in goods with the Chinese Empire and even established diplomatic relations with the court of Kublai Khan (1215–1295). In doing so, they utilized existing routes such as the Silk Road , an important axis of medieval "global trade" which grew in importance in the late 13th and 14th centuries. This had a profound effect not only on the material culture of Europe, but also on Europeans' idea of Asia. In the Battle of Curzola in 1298, Marco Polo was taken into Genoese captivity, and he described his journey to the writer Rusticiano da Pisa while in prison. Through the writings of the latter, some details of Polo's experiences in China entered the mosaic of images, facts and beliefs which Europeans associated with China. In addition to members of the Polo family, other contemporaries also set out for Central Asia, such as the Flanders native Wilhelm von Rubruk (ca. 1210–1270) who set out in May 1253. Many were clergymen, such as the Franciscan Johannes von Montecorvino (1247–1328) who visited India and reported on spices such as pepper and cinnamon, and on the culinary habits of the Indians. Odorico da Pordenone (ca. 1286–1331) from Udine , who was also a Franciscan monk, travelled in 1314/1315 via Ceylon , Java , Singapore and southern China to Peking , and he reported on his experiences, both ordinary and extraordinary. More than 110 of his manuscripts have survived, and his influence has been significant. 36. Whereas the Polos had travelled to Asia primarily by land, sea voyages to Asia increased from 1488 onward when Bartholomeu Diaz (ca. 1450–1500) from Portugal became the first to sail around the Cape of Good Hope . The establishment of the Portuguese empire in India made European-Asian relationships more permanent and secure. In some cases, Italian sea captains and southern German capital participated in these voyages. 37 In the context of this double expansion in the Atlantic region and in the Far East, Lisbon became increasingly central and pivotal in global trade. It was no coincidence that many overseas expeditions by important explorers began in the Portuguese capital. The first expeditions to Asia during and after the discovery of the sea route around the Cape of Good Hope and into the Indian Ocean witnessed conspicuous efforts on the part of southern, central and western European merchants and consortia to promote their interests in the east by means of agents. For example, wealthy Nuremberg and Augsburg merchants, and Dutchmen participated in the first voyages to India. Following the punctual pattern established in Africa, the Portuguese began to fortify ports and towns in strategically important places, in order to make them impervious to attacks. The cities of Calicut and Goa are examples on the Indian west coast. Development in the early modern period was dominated by the privileged trading companies of the Dutch and the British, but also of smaller states such as Denmark . 38 From the 17th century, the Netherlands played a leading role in trade between Europe and the rest of the world, particularly trade with Asia. In the 18th century, Great Britain dominated the Asian markets, though its focus was on India instead of Indonesia and Southeast Asia . The British East India Company, founded in 1600, and the Dutch East India Company , founded in 1602, dominated markets in the Indian Ocean and – to a lesser extent – in the South China Sea . Their power extended far beyond trade, and it resulted in a "golden age" in Holland and its main city, Amsterdam. 39. In the 18th and 19th centuries, parts of Asia were increasingly drawn into the process of European industrialization. India in particular, as part of the Commonwealth, became an important source of raw materials (particularly cotton) as well as food and stimulants (particularly tea). The period of industrialization and of the rise of the middle class in Europe would not have been possible without these supplies and the intensification of exchange with Asia. The building of railways – a European innovation – began in the 19th century in Turkey , India, Japan and China, with lasting consequences for the territorialisation of economics and trade, and it provided the basis for further trade. The telegraph line between Calcutta and London, which was constructed by Siemens and opened in 1870, gave an important new stimulus to trade and the exchange of information between Europe and Asia. In all regions of Asia, enclaves and cities remained in European ownership until relatively recently, as in the case of Hong Kong which the British only relinquished in 1997. America, the Pacific and Asia. If one defines interdependence as a regular, planned, systematic, on-going and reciprocal exchange of information and goods, then one can observe the beginning of American-Asian relations in 1519, at which time the Manila fleets began to sail regularly from Acapulco (Mexico) to Indonesia, or more specifically to the port city and trading centre of Manila on the Philippines . They brought precious metals, particularly silver, from Central America to Asia and usually transported spices, silks, porcelain and jewels back. Pearls from the islands of Cubagua and Margarita off the coast of Venezuela were also traded overseas. In the 16th century, this trade prompted southern German merchants such as Christoph Herwart (1464–1529) to get involved in trade with India. 40. Europe Meets Australia in the 17th Century. It can be assumed that the discovery of the Cape York Peninsula by the Dutchman Willem Jansz (ca. 1570–1630) in 1606 was one of the first instances of economic contact between Europe and Australia. A decade later, Dirk Hartog (1580–1621) reached the west coast of Australia. During the course of the 17th century, Willem de Vlamingh (1640–1698) and William Dampier (1651–1715) "discovered" other parts of the Australian continent, thereby facilitating the more concentrated exploration and mapping of Australia. From a European perspective, Australia did not play a significant role in trade, though there was some British foreign investment in Australia before the First World War. This was focused primarily on the building and financing of infrastructure projects (railways, harbours, public buildings, etc.). Conversely, Australian wool and mutton were exported to Europe. 41. Europe, the Atlantic and America. The beginning of relatively regular economic relations between Europe and America occurred in the 16th century. The initial contact with America which Vikings under Erik the Red (950–ca. 1005) established around 1000 BC cannot be described as a lasting exchange; neither can such exchange be said to have existed in the first two or three decades after America was rediscovered by the Genoese sailor Christopher Columbus (1451–1506). 42. Trade between the Old World and the New World constantly experienced fluctuations which were caused by by economic growth and developments such as the discovery, mining and transportation of precious metals. This was true in particular of silver and gold from South America and Central America, and later from North America. The supply of coin metal to European states from overseas affected the currency stability, liquidity, monetary independence, and ultimately the profitability of early modern capital markets. However, due to insufficient domestic production, Spain was constantly dependent on imports from Asia, and a considerable portion of the precious metals imported from South America was transferred to Asia via Cádiz and Seville as payment. Consequently, the quantity of precious metals which was used to mint coins in Spain and Portugal should not be overestimated. The inflationary effect of imported precious metals was therefore less significant than has been assumed. 43. Around the beginning of the 16th century, Portugal's double expansion continued with its turning westward and commencing to colonize Brazil . Impressive colonial cities came into being on the coast, such as Salvador do Bahia , the first capital city of Brazil. The eastern part of South America had been granted to the Portuguese by Pope Alexander VI (1492–1503) in the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) . Around 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral (ca. 1468–1520) claimed mainland Brazil for Portugal, and expeditions during the course of the 16th century, such as those by Martim Afonso de Sousa (1500–1564), explored the Brazilian interior. During this time, several groups of Portuguese Jesuits founded towns and the earliest sugar cane plantations in Brazil. One such sugar mill was acquired by the Schetz company of Antwerp in 1540. 44 Sugar production in Brazil was able to increase vastly in scale because of the use of African slaves, thereby paving the way for the basic forms of tropical agricultural production which were to become the predominant forms in the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean , as well as in the southern part of North America. Brazil played a large role in supplying Europe with inexpensive sugar in the early modern period due to big increases in productivity in the cultivation of sugar cane which brought down the price of sugar. A similar development occurred in the case of maize, cocoa, coffee, tobacco and cotton. In the second third of the 16th century, transatlantic relations intensified, due in part to the discovery of precious metals in South America. During the course of the discovery of the American continent, not only did people of different ethnic backgrounds encounter one another, the material culture was also greatly enriched, for example by the arrival of previously unknown plants, animals and goods in Europe. Medieval Europe had no knowledge of cocoa and, consequently, of chocolate. Some present-day dietary staples such as maize and the potato, which – like tapioca and nasturtium – are good sources of carbohydrates, were previously unknown in Europe also. Equally new to Europeans were sugar-rich plants such as sugar maple and protein-rich legumes such as beans. Other plants such as peanuts provided oil and fat. New vegetable types such as tomatoes, peppers and pumpkins, and nuts and fruits from avocados and pineapples to guavas and papayas appeared on European tables. Europe became acquainted with intoxicants such as the products of the maté tree and the coca bush. Spices such as vanilla, allspice and chili contributed to the refinement of European culinary tastes. Tobacco was also cultivated in Europe for the first time in the early modern period. It is beyond question that the exchange of new types of food and stimulants has had an effect on patterns of behaviour – and even on architecture – in the modern period. Smoking rooms or gentlemen's rooms containing pipe stands, ashtrays, matches and similar utensils were a given in 18th-century and 19th-century villas. Coffee houses were often popular meeting places for artists and literati, and were consequently much-frequented places for meeting and communication which had a considerable effect on the culture of large European cities. New types of wood, such as rare pine species and mahogany, appeared in the sitting rooms of affluent Europeans. Quebracho trees and various species of mangrove provided tannic acid. Rubber trees and sweet potato trees provided rubber, while the wax palm, the carnauba palm and the jojoba provided wax. The variety of dyes available was also increased by access to tropical plants, ranging from the brazil wood to the redwood, the logwood, the yellowwood, and indigo, which began to replace woad in Europe. The New World was also a source of numerous plants which provided insecticides, such as barbasco roots, the bitterwood, and the cashew nut; even tobacco falls into this category. Today "American" plants are even used as fuel sources, as experiments with tapioca, maize and species of copaiba demonstrate. 45 Conversely, Europe enriched the American continent by the introduction of new animal and plant species, as well as new inventions, cultivation techniques and ideas. These ranged from horses, cattle, donkeys and hens to honeybees and silkworms, and from new types of cereals such as barley to apples, apricots, almonds, various types of cabbage, carrots, aubergines, flax and garlic. Europeans also introduced a vast array of weapons and craft tools, as well as institutional innovations such as Roman law, which was established in many states of North and South America. There were also innovations such as the amalgamation process for extracting silver and gold from ores using mercury, or book printing, which accelerated and intensified the transfer of information and knowledge from the Old World to the New World. To summarize, the encounter between the material and intellectual cultures of Europe and America resulted in enormous mutual enrichment and inspiration. 46 However, it also had negative effects, such as the transfer of diseases in both directions. Many more indigenous Americans died as a result of "European" diseases than died in violent confrontations during the course of the Conquista . Conversely, European travellers contracted "American" illnesses which had not existed in medieval Europe. The Netherlands, England, France, and other European countries (Denmark, Sweden , Austria, Prussia , Switzerland, etc.) sought to gain access to trade in Asia, Africa and America by means of privileged companies. In the 17th and 18th centuries, this often took the form of the so-called triangular trade, i.e., participation in trade with Africa, America and the Caribbean, and the rest of Europe, African trade being largely synonymous with slave trading. Slaves were bought in exchange for European manufactured goods and subsequently transported to the large estates of the West Indies and America on special slave ships. 47 In the early modern period, 10 to 12 million Africans were taken in this way to the New World, from where colonial produce was transported to Europe. Privileged European trading companies were also employed in Atlantic trade, such as the Royal African Company and the Hudson's Bay Company, the Dutch West India Company and corresponding French companies. The expanding European settlements in America required a growing number of labourers for the work on plantations and other possessions. As a result, the triangular trade persisted until the abolition movement of the 19th century. Denmark and Great Britain abolished slavery in 1807, followed by the USA in 1808, and Holland and France in 1814. In addition to the role played by the American and French revolutions in promoting freedom and human rights, economic interests played a decisive role in this process. New economic systems which emerged as a result of the industrial revolutions began to replace old mercantilist forms. The emerging polypolistic variety of markets was accompanied by the intensification of market formation and of competition. An economic transformation occurred, which introduced new institutional forms, a liberal economic and social order, and a radical integration of world markets. Subsequently, global exports grew as a proportion of the world social product from approximately 1% in 1825 to approximately 8% in 1900, and finally to approximately 16% in 2000. The global economy has multiplied by 44 since 1820, and global trade has grown in volume by a factor of 600 in the same period. Up to the First World War, Western Europe undoubtedly contributed most to the world gross social product. In 1913, it accounted for 906 billion international dollars (of a total of 1990 billion), which equates to 33.5% of the World Gross Domestic Product (GDP). By 1950, this percentage declined to 26.3%, and by 1998 to 20.6%. 48 While Europe's trade with territories in the rest of the world grew in absolute terms, it became less important in relative terms since trade relations between the industrialized countries grew disproportionately quickly in significance. Rolf Walter , Jena. Literatura. Ambrosius, Gerold / Hubbard, William H.: Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte Europas im 20. Jahrhundert, Munich 1986. Ankenbauer, Norbert: "das ich mochte meer newer dyng erfaren": Die Versprachlichung des Neuen in den Paesi novamente retrovati (Vicenza, 1507) und in ihrer deutschen Übersetzung (Nürnberg, 1508), Berlin 2010. Ball, J.N.: Merchants and Merchandise: The Expansion of Trade in Europe 1500–1630, London 1977. Bayly, Christopher A.: The Birth of the Modern World 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons, Oxford 2004. Behringer, Wolfgang: Fugger und Taxis: Der Anteil Augsburger Kaufleute an der Entstehung des europäischen Kommunikationssystems, in: Johannes Burkhardt et. al.: Augsburger Handelshäuser im Wandel des historischen Urteils, Berlin 1986, pp. 241–248. Blaich, Fritz: Die Epoche des Merkantilismus, Wiesbaden 1973. Blockmans, Wim: Geschichte der Macht in Europa: Völker, Staaten, Märkte, Frankfurt am Main 1998. Borries, Bodo von: Deutschlands Außenhandel 1836–1856: Eine statistische Untersuchung zur Frühindustrialisierung, Stuttgart 1970. Braudel, Fernand: Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme, XVe-XVIIIe siècle: vol. 2: Les Jeux de l'échange, Paris 1986. Braudel, Fernand: Sozialgeschichte des 15.–18. Jahrhunderts, vol. 3: Aufbruch zur Weltwirtschaft, Munich 1990. Bräunlein, Peter J.: Martin Behaim: Legende und Wirklichkeit eines berühmten Nürnbergers, Bamberg 1992. Burk, Kathleen: Money and Power: The Shift from Great Britain to the United States, in: Youssef Cassis (ed.): Finance and Financiers in European History 1880–1960, Cambridge 1992, pp. 359–369. Cameron, Rondo: Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft, vol. 1: Vom Paläolithikum bis zur Industrialisierung; vol. 2: Von der Industrialisierung bis zur Gegenwart, Stuttgart 1991–1992. Cassandro, Michele: L'irradiazione economica fiorentina nell'Italia meridoniale tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, in: Ilaria Zilli (ed.): Fra spazio e tempo: Studi in onore di Luigi De Rosa, Naples 1995, vol. I, pp. 191–221. Crosby, Alfred W.: The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492, Westport, CT 1972. Degn, Christian: Die Schimmelmanns im atlantischen Dreieckshandel: Gewinn und Gewissen, Neumünster, 3rd edition, 2000. Diwald, Hellmut: Der Kampf um die Weltmeere, Munich 1980. Erhard, Andreas / Ramminger, Eva: Die Meerfahrt: Balthasar Springers Reise zur Pfefferküste, Innsbruck 1998. Ewald, Ursula: Pflanzen Iberoamerikas und ihre Bedeutung für Europa: Überlegungen aus geographischer Sicht, in: Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas, 32 (1995), pp. 33–55. Fäßler, Peter E.: Globalisierung: Ein historisches Kompendium, Cologne et al. 2007. Fremdling, Rainer: Technologischer Wandel und internationaler Handel im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert: Die Eisenindustrien in Großbritannien, Belgien, Frankreich und Deutschland, Berlin 1986. Gerschenkron, Alexander: Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective, Cambridge, MA 1968. Gerschenkron, Alexander: Europe in the Russian Mirror: Four Lectures in Economic History, London 1970. Glamann, Kristof: Der europäische Handel 1500–1750, in: Carlo Maria Cipolla / Knut Borchardt: Europäische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Stuttgart et al. 1983, vol. 2: Sechzehntes und siebzehntes Jahrhundert, pp. 271–333. Grabas, Margrit: Konjunktur und Wachstum in Deutschland von 1895 bis 1914, Berlin 1992 (Schriften zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 39). Gramulla, Gertrud Susanna: Handelsbeziehungen Kölner Kaufleute zwischen 1500 und 1650, Cologne 1972 (Forschungen zur internationalen Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 4). Hamilton, Earl J.: American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650, Cambridge, MA 1934 (Harvard Economic Studies 43). Hardach, Gerd: Der Erste Weltkrieg, Munich 1977. Hendrich, Yvonne: Valentin Fernandes: Ein deutscher Buchdrucker in Portugal um die Wende vom 15. zum 16. Jahrhundert und sein Umkreis, Frankfurt am Main 2007 (Mainzer Studien zur neueren Geschichte 21). Hogendorn, Jan. S. / Johnson, Marion: The Shell Money of the Slave Trade, Cambridge 1986. Israel, Jonathan J.: Dutch Primacy in World Trade 1585–1740, Oxford 1989. Jeannin, Pierre: Les marchands au XVIe siècle, Paris 1957. Kalus, Maximilian: Pfeffer – Kupfer – Nachrichten: Kaufmannsnetzwerke und Handelsstrukturen im europäisch-asiatischen Handel am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts, Augsburg 2010 (Materialien zur Geschichte der Fugger 6). Kellenbenz, Hermann: Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 2 vols., Munich 1977–1981. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Dreimal Lateinamerika, Munich 1990. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Die Fugger in Spanien und Portugal bis 1560: Ein Großunternehmen des 16. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols., Munich 1990. Kellenbenz, Hermann (ed.): Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, Stuttgart 1986, vol. 3: Europäische Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Handelsgeschichte, in: Willi Albers et al. (eds.): Handwörterbuch der Wirtschaftswissenschaft, 1981, vol. 3, pp. 762–784. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Der Merkantilismus und die soziale Mobilität in Europa, Wiesbaden 1965. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Neues zum oberdeutschen Ostindienhandel, insbesondere der Herwart in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, in: Forschungen zur schwäbischen Geschichte, Sigmaringen 1991 (Veröffentlichungen der Schwäbischen Forschungsgemeinschaft Reihe 7, Augsburger Beiträge zur Landesgeschichte Bayerisch-Schwabens 4), pp. 81–96. Kellenbenz, Hermann: The Rise of the European Economy: An Economic History of Continental Europe from the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century, London 1976. Kellenbenz, Hermann: Die Wiege der Moderne: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Europas 1350–1650, Stuttgart 1991. Kellenbenz, Hermann / Walter, Rolf (eds.): Oberdeutsche Kaufleute in Sevilla und Cádiz (1525–1560): Eine Edition von Notariatsakten aus den dortigen Archiven, Stuttgart 2001 (Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit XXI). Kenwood, Albert George / Lougheed, Alan Leslie: The Growth of the International Economy, London et al. 1992. Kindleberger, Charles P.: Economic Response: Comparative Studies in Trade, Finance and Growth, Cambridge, MA et al. 1978. Klein, Herbert S.: The Atlantic Slave Trade, Cambridge 1999 (New Approaches to the Americas 3). Knabe, Wolfgang: Auf den Spuren der ersten deutschen Kaufleute in Indien: Forschungsexpedition mit der Mercator entlang der Westküste und zu den Aminen, Anhausen 1993. Kraus, Michael / Ottomeyer, Hans: Novos Mundos – Neue Welten: Portugal und das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, Berlin 2007 (Ausstellungskatalog des Deutschen Historischen Museums Berlin). Kriedte, Peter: Spätfeudalismus und Handelskapital: Grundlinien der europäischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte vom 16. bis zu Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts, Göttingen 1980. Krieger, Martin: Kaufleute, Seeräuber und Diplomaten: Der dänische Handel auf dem Indischen Ozean (1620–1868), Cologne et al. 1998 (Wirtschafts- und Sozialhistorische Studien 8). Kutz, Martin: Deutschlands Außenhandel von der Französischen Revolution bis zur Gründung des Zollvereins, Wiesbaden 1974 (Beihefte der Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 61). Landes, David S.: Der entfesselte Prometheus: Technologischer Wandel und industrielle Entwicklung in Westeuropa von 1750 bis zur Gegenwart, Cologne 1973. Landes, David S.: Wohlstand und Armut der Nationen: Warum die einen reich und die anderen arm sind, Berlin 1999. Lopez, Roberto S.: The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages 950–1350, Cambridge 1976. Maddalena, Aldo de: La ricchezza dell'Europa: Indagini sull'antico regime e sulla modernità, Milan 1992. Maddison, Angus: The World Economy: A Millenial Perspective, Paris 2001. Martin, John / Romano, Dennis (eds.): Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State 1297–1797, Baltimore, MD et al. 2000. Maué, Hermann (ed.): Quasi Centrum Europae, Nuremberg 2002 (Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums 2002), pp. 74–85. Melis, Federigo: Il commercio transatlantico di una compagnia fiorentina stabilita a Siviglia a pochi anni dale imprese di Cortés e Pizarro, in: Estudios del V Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón (Zaragoza 1952), Saragossa 1954, vol. III, pp. 131–206. Mitterauer, Michael: Warum Europa? Mittelalterliche Grundlagen eines Sonderwegs, Munich 2003. Mitchell, Brian R.: International Historical Statistics: Europe: 1750–1993, 4th edition, New York, NY 1998. Nagel, Jürgen G.: Abenteuer Fernhandel: Die Ostindienkompanien, Darmstadt 2007. North, Douglass C.: Ocean Freight Rates and Economic Development 1750–1913, in: Journal of Economic History 18, 1958, pp. 537–555. North, Douglass C.: Structure and Change in Economic History, New York, NY 1981. North, Douglass C.: Theorie des institutionellen Wandels: Eine neue Sicht der Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Tübingen 1988. North, Michael: Das Goldene Zeitalter: Kunst und Kommerz in der niederländischen Malerei des 17. Jahrhunderts, 2nd edition, Cologne et al. 2001. North, Michael (ed.): Nordwesteuropa in der Weltwirtschaft, Stuttgart 1993 (Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 54). Osterhammel, Jürgen / Petersson, Niels P.: Geschichte der Globalisierung: Dimensionen, Prozesse, Epochen, Munich 2003. Otte, Enrique: Von Bankiers und Kaufleuten, Räten, Reedern und Piraten, Hintermännern und Strohmännern, Stuttgart 2004 (Studien zur modernen Geschichte 58). Pamuk, Sevket: The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, Trade, Investment and Production, Cambridge 1997. Pieper, Renate: Die Preisrevolution in Spanien (1500–1640), Stuttgart 1985. Pieper, Renate / Schmidt, Peer (eds.): Latin America and the Atlantic World: Essays in Honor of Horst Pietschmann, Cologne at al. 2005 (Lateinamerikanische Forschungen 33). Pinder, John: Europa in der Weltwirtschaft 1920–1970, in: Carlo Maria Cipolla / Knut Borchardt: Europäische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. 5: Die europäischen Volkswirtschaften im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert, Stuttgart et al. 1986, pp. 377–411. Rapp, Richard T.: The Unmaking of the Mediterranean Trade Hegemony: International Trade Rivalry and the Commercial Revolution, in: Journal of Economic History 35 (1975), pp. 499–525. Reichert, Folker E.: Begegnungen mit China: Die Entdeckung Ostasiens im Mittelalter, Sigmaringen 1992. Reichert, Folker E.: Erfahrung der Welt: Reisen und Kulturbegegnung im späten Mittelalter, Stuttgart 2001. Reinhard, Wolfgang: Geschichte der europäischen Expansion, 4 vols., Stuttgart et al. 1983–1990. Reininghaus, Wilfried (ed.): Wanderhandel in Europa: Beiträge zur wissenschaftlichen Tagung in Ibbenbüren, Mettingen, Recke und Hopsten vom 9.–11. Oktober 1992, Hagen 1993. Roover, Raymond de: Business, Banking and Economic Thought in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europa: Selected Studies of Raymond de Roover, ed. by Julius Kirshner, Chicago, IL 1974. Rostow, Walt Whitman: The World Economy: History & Prospect, Basingstoke et al. 1978. Scammell, Geoffrey V.: The World Encompassed: The First European Maritime Empires c. 800–1650, London et al. 1981. Schnurmann, Claudia: Europa trifft Amerika: Atlantische Wirtschaft in der Frühen Neuzeit 1492–1783, Frankfurt am Main 1998. Schnurmann, Claudia: Atlantische Welten: Engländer und Niederländer im amerikanisch-atlantischen Raum 1648–1713, Cologne et al. 1998. Teixeira da Mota, Avelino: Der portugiesische Seehandel in Westafrika im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert und seine Bedeutung für die Entwicklung des überregionalen Handelsverkehrs, Cologne 1969. Tracy, James D. (ed.): The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, Cambridge et al. 1990. Van der Wee, Herman: Structural Changes in European Long-Distance Trade and Particularly in the Re-Export Trade from South to North 1350–1750, in: James D. Tracy (ed.): The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, Cambridge et al. 1990, pp. 14–33. Van der Wee, Herman: The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy, 3 vols., Louvain 1963. Van der Wee, Herman / Aerts, Erik: De economische ontwikkeling van Europa: 950–1950, 10th edition, Louvain 1994. Verlinden, Charles: Atlantischer Raum und Indische-Ozean-Zone in kolonialgeschichtlicher Perspektive, Nuremberg 1982 (Vorträge zur Wirtschafts- und Überseegeschichte 10). Wallerstein, Immanuel: The Modern World System, vol. 1: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century, New York, NY 1974; vol. 2: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy 1600–1750, New York, NY et al. 1980; vol. 3: The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World Economy 1730–1840, San Diego, CA 1988. Walter, Rolf: Commerz, Contrebande und Continentalsystem: Die Wirtschaft Südwestdeutschlands in napoleonischer Zeit, in: Württembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart (ed.): Baden und Württemberg im Zeitalter Napoleons, Stuttgart 1987, vol. 2: Aufsätze. Walter, Rolf: Einführung in die Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, Cologne et al. 2008. Walter, Rolf: Einleitung: Oberdeutsche Kaufleute und Genuesen in Sevilla und Cádiz (1525–1560), in: Hermann Kellenbenz / Rolf Walter (eds.): Oberdeutsche Kaufleute in Sevilla und Cádiz (1525–1560): Eine Edition von Notariatsakten aus den dortigen Archiven, Stuttgart 2001 (Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit XXI). pp. 11–64. Walter, Rolf: Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft: Eine Einführung, Cologne et al. 2006. Walter, Rolf (ed.): Globalisierung in der Geschichte, Stuttgart 2011 (VSWG-Beihefte 214). Walter, Rolf: Die Welser und ihre Partner im 'World Wide Web' der Frühen Neuzeit, in: Angelika Westermann / Stefanie von Welser (eds.): Neunhofer Dialog I: Einblicke in die Geschichte des Handelshauses Welser, St. Katharinen 2009, pp. 11–27. Walter, Rolf: Welthandel und Kapitalismus, in: Brockhaus Weltgeschichte, Leipzig et al. 1998, vol. 4: Wege in die Moderne (1650–1850), pp. 308–375. Walter, Rolf: Wirtschaftsgeschichte: Vom Merkantilismus bis zur Gegenwart, 5th edition, Cologne et al. 2011 Weber, Klaus: Deutsche Kaufleute im Atlantikhandel 1680–1830: Unternehmen und Familien in Hamburg, Cádiz und Bordeaux, Munich 2004. Weindl, Andrea: Wer kleidet die Welt? Globale Märkte und merkantile Kräfte in der europäischen Politik der Frühen Neuzeit, Mainz 2007 (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung für Universalgeschichte 211). Wiesflecker, Hermann: Neue Beiträge zu Balthasar Sprengers Meerfahrt nach "Groß-India", in: Klaus Brandstätter / Julia Hörmann (eds.): Tirol – Österreich – Italien: Festschrift für Josef Riedmann zum 65. Geburtstag, Innsbruck 2005 (Schlern-Schriften 330), pp. 647–660. Woodruff, William: Impact of Western Man: A Study of Europe's Role in the World Economy 1750–1960, London et al. 1966 World Trade Organization (ed.): International Trade Statistics, Geneva 2011, online: wto/statistics [26/03/2012]. Yates, P. Lamartine: Forty Years of Foreign Trade, London 1959. Zorn, Wolfgang: Verdichtung und Beschleunigung des Verkehrs als Beitrag zur Entwicklung der "modernen Welt", in: Reinhart Koselleck (ed.): Studien zum Beginn der modernen Welt, Stuttgart 1977, pp. 115–137. ^ Glamann, Der europäische Handel 1983, pp. 271–333, here: 271. ^ Walter, Globalisierung 2011, pp. 7ff.; also contains the term "proto-globalization". ^ Kellenbenz, Handbuch Europäische Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte 1986, vol. 3. ^ Cameron, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 1992, vol. 2, pp. 15ff., 181ff. ^ See the following works: Melis, Il comercio transatlantico 1954; de Maddalena, La ricchezza dell'Europa 1992; de Roover, Business 1974 und Cassandro, L'irradiazione economica fiorentina 1995. ^ See: Lopez, The Commercial Revolution 1976; Rapp, Unmaking 1975. ^ Blockmans, Macht 1998, p. 37. ^ Behringer, Fugger und Taxis 1986, pp. 242f. ^ Fremdling, Technologischer Wandel 1986, passim. ^ Burk, Money and Power 1992, p. 359. ^ Pinder, Europa in der Weltwirtschaft 1986, pp. 377f., 382. ^ ibid., p. 386. ^ Walter, Globalisierung 2011, p. 9. ^ Reichert, Begegnungen 1992. ^ Diwald, Weltmeere 1980, pp. 269 ff. and passim; Scammell, The World Encompassed 1981. ^ Van der Wee / Aerts, De economische ontwikkeling van Europa 1994, pp. 167f. ^ Braudel, Civilisation matérielle, vol. 2, 1986. ^ Mieck, Handbuch EWSG, vol. 4, 1993; Bayly, Birth 2004; Walter, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2011, pp. 74ff. ^ Walter, Commerz 1987, pp. 193–218, here: 195f. ^ Kutz, Außenhandel 1974, passim. ^ Von Borries, Außenhandel 1970, pp. 82ff. and passim. ^ See: Gerschenkron, Backwardness 1968. ^ See: Fremdling, Wirtschaftswachstum 1985; Grabas, Konjunktur 1992. ^ See: Fremdling / O'Brian 1983. ^ Fäßler, Globalisierung 2007, p. 97. ^ Walter, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2011, p. 262. ^ Europäische Union, Trade 2012. ^ WTO, International Trade Statistics 2011. ^ Kraus / Ottomeyer, Novos mundos 2007. ^ Verlinden, Atlantischer Raum und Indische-Ozean-Zone 1982. ^ Ankenbauer, "das ich mochte meer newer dyng erfaren" 2010, pp. 80ff. ^ Teixeira da Mota, Der portugiesische Seehandel 1969, pp. 7ff.; Hogendorn / Johnson, The Shell Money 1986. ^ Wallerstein, The Modern World System, vol. 1–3, 1974–1988, passim. ^ Martin / Romano, Venice Reconsidered 2000. ^ Van der Wee, Structural changes 1990, pp. 14–33. ^ Reichert, Erfahrung der Welt 2001, pp. 165ff., 203ff. and passim; idem, Begegnungen 1992, pp. 287–293. ^ Wiesflecker, Neue Beiträge 2005, pp. 647ff.; Kalus, Pfeffer 2010. ^ Nagel, Abenteuer Fernhandel 2007 (see the informative maps on pp. 33, 73, 103); Krieger, Kaufleute, Seeräuber und Diplomaten 1998. ^ Israel, Dutch Primacy 1989; North, Das Goldene Zeitalter 2001, pp. 19ff. and passim. ^ Kellenbenz, Ostindienhandel 1991; Walter, Oberdeutsche 2001, p. 42 and passim; Kalus, Pfeffer 2010, pp. 74, 106 and passim. ^ Cameron, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 1992, vol. 2, pp. 108f. ^ Walter, Geschichte der Weltwirtschaft 2006, pp. 103ff. ^ Pieper, Preisrevolution 1985, passim; Hamilton, American Treasure 1934. ^ Kellenbenz, Dreimal Lateinamerika 1990, p. 190. ^ Ewald, Pflanzen Iberoamerikas 1995, pp. 48ff. ^ Crosby, Columbian Exchange 1972, passim. ^ See: Degn, Die Schimmelmanns 2000; Klein, The Atlantic Slave Trade 1999. ^ Maddison, The World Economy 2001, p. 261, Table B-18. Dieser Text ist lizensiert unter This text is licensed under : CC by-nc-nd 3.0 Germany - Attribution, Noncommercial, No Derivative Works. Übersetzt von: Translated by: Niall Williams. Fachherausgeber: Editor: Toni Pierenkemper. Redaktion: Copy Editor: Christina Müller. Zitierempfehlung Citation. by Rolf Walter Walter, Rolf : Economic Relations Between Europe and the World: Dependence and Interdependence , in: Europäische Geschichte Online (EGO), hg. vom Leibniz- Institut für Europäische Geschichte (IEG), Mainz European History Online (EGO), published by the Leibniz Institute of European History (IEG), Mainz 2012-05-31 . URL: ieg-ego.eu/ walterr-2012 - en URN: urn:nbn:de:0159-2012053126 [JJJJ-MM-TT] [YYYY-MM-DD] . Bitte setzen Sie beim Zitieren dieses Beitrages hinter der URL-Angabe in Klammern das Datum Ihres letzten Besuchs dieser Online-Adresse ein. Beim Zitieren einer bestimmten Passage aus dem Beitrag bitte zusätzlich die Nummer des Textabschnitts angeben, z.B. 2 oder 1-4. When quoting this article please add the date of your last retrieval in brackets after the url. When quoting a certain passage from the article please also insert the corresponding number(s), for example 2 or 1-4.
Preços do café Forexpros
Tendências e sinais de Forex